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590

GEORGE P. ELLIOTT

out large-scale organization of storm-troopers there can be no violent

seizure of power. Rioters, lynchers, and fantasy cowboys America has

in plenty, but where are the disciplined thugs? In the gangs, of course–

devoting themselves to the most American of enterprises, making money.

I think that the largest and most enduring reason not to fear Gold–

water fascism, or anything close to it, is money. No political issue

would justify for Republicans-or many other Americans-the sacrifice

of the right and power to make money. What's good for General

Motors is good for the nation, but what

is

good for fascism is sometimes

bad for General Motors-the destruction of civilization, for example.

Also, an American is poor only if he personally is worthless or un–

fortunate, and no political action can remedy those conditions. (This

belief is another profoundly traditional ingredient of Goldwaterism.)

It comes down

to

this: fascist anti-Communism means total war, which

is obviously unprofitable; let's keep our anti-Communism profitable,

which means more Cold War. Which means, in fact, status pretty much

quo ante Goldwater. Let us not derogate our prodigal avarice and our

national disinclination

to

organize politically.

Goldwater's conservatism is even more detestable than the muddled

liberalism by which we have long been ruled, and it has even fewer

virtues. But he is right: it is the only available alternative. Having the

one, we had better have the other, so that every citizen can have a

clear choice of what to vote against.

RICHARD HOFSTADTER

Barry Goldwater is something new, very new, in our politics.

As a rule, such men have flourished only in minor parties, yet he has

not only won the nomination but gained unusually firm control over

a major party. Normally a major party nomination is won partly by

establishing predominant popularity among its voters and partly by

accommodating other -party leaders. Goldwater has won without doing

either, but by arousing great intensity of conviction among a minority

of enthusiasts, and then imposing upon this minority a tight disciplinary

structure. Hitherto our major parties have not been founded on

ideologies: they have worked by arranging continual compromises

among heterogeneous interests, and they have been led by men of