Students Talk about Peace Talks
Palestinian and Israeli groups’ leaders on hope for agreement

On Sunday, bulldozers rolled into a West Bank settlement after Israeli leadership chose not to extend a 10-month moratorium on Jewish settlements in the West Bank. The decision threatened to end four weeks of peace talks between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, until Abbas backed off from his promise to abandon negotiations if the moratorium was not extended. The Middle East is a complicated place, and decades of talks about a two-state solution and the potential division of Jerusalem have not made it less complicated.
BU Today spoke with Anthony Mercurio (CAS’11), president of Students for Justice in Palestine and the grandson of a Palestinian, and Jasmine Freehoff (CAS’13), a board member of Students for Israel, about their hopes for this latest round of talks. Opinions expressed are their own and do not necessarily represent the stance of members of their group on any issue.
BU Today: Should there be a Palestinian state? If so, what should its borders include?
Mercurio: There should be a separate, sovereign Palestinian state to guarantee the rights of all Palestinians around the world. After the 1967 war, Israel occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, so the borders need to include those areas as part of a single, unified Palestinian state.
Freehoff: A two-state solution is what should happen, but going back to the 1967 borders is somewhat unrealistic. As an Israeli who doesn’t even live on the border, I would feel scared for myself and my family having Syria so close to us and no protection from assaults on the other side.
What should happen to Israeli settlements in the West Bank and east Jerusalem?
Mercurio: All of the settlements were declared illegal by the UN International Court of Justice in The Hague. Israel likes to say they’ll stop building illegal settlements, but all settlements are illegal. They need to be evacuated. It is a concern where these people are going to go. Is the government going to build them new houses within Israel like they built them within the West Bank? I don’t know.
Freehoff: If there are settlements inside Arab towns, that shouldn’t happen. Most of what is now referred to as settlements is in a demilitarized zone. These settlements have been around for the last 17 years, and the Palestinians still held talks with Israel while that happened. I’m interested to know why that suddenly has become such a big issue.
Should Jerusalem be split, with the western half belonging to Israel and the eastern to the new Palestinian state?
Mercurio: Jerusalem was considered part of Palestine before 1967. It’s still not recognized by many countries that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Most countries with embassies and consulates in Israel have them in Tel Aviv, including the United States. At this point, it doesn’t seem like there’s any option other than splitting Jerusalem. There’s no way Jerusalem as a whole could only be part of Israel. It is the Palestinian capital; it always has been.
Freehoff: Jerusalem has been the Jewish capital since the Jews first came into Israel. As a person who lived and went to high school in Jerusalem, it would be painful for me to see the city cut in half. If east Jerusalem were given to the Palestinian Authority, no one would feel secure to go there. Everyone who wants to go to Jerusalem now can. I went to high school with Muslims, Christians, and Bedouins. I don’t know how that would actually take place if Jerusalem were not under Israeli control.
Do you support a “right of return,” by which Palestinian refugees are allowed to return to their former homes in Israel?
Mercurio: Theoretically, I support the right to return, because Palestine was their home, it was their land, it was their life. Everything was there. Not all Palestinians necessarily want to come back, but the people living in refugee camps who have had terrible lives since 1948 deserve compensation, assistance, and the right to return.
Freehoff: Palestinians who have left Israel consequent of the war have been living in places like Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon; they haven’t been given good living conditions by those countries. Why aren’t they helping them? I don’t know about any other conflict in the world in which the people who’ve been dislocated have retained their status as refugees for so long. I don’t know exactly what right people living outside of Israel still have to return.
Israel is advocating for a demilitarized Palestinian state. Would that work?
Mercurio: The idea of a demilitarized state worked out before with Japan after World War II. But Israel would have an extremely militarized border surrounding a demilitarized Palestinian state, which is not fair. I would support a partial demilitarization, but it needs to be clear that we need a sovereign, complete Palestinian state with the chance to do everything as every other state does.
Freehoff: Having a demilitarized state in the West Bank is a first step. If that works well and for a period of time incitements have stopped, then there wouldn’t be a problem with having Palestinian police in the West Bank. The only concern is Israel’s security. But if that is ensured, then there’s no problem.
Hamas, the Palestinian political group that controls the Gaza Strip, doesn’t recognize these peace talks. Will their stance make a difference in whatever agreement is reached?
Mercurio: Hamas has said they will support a peace settlement if Abbas reaches it. This is his chance. If he doesn’t negotiate a peace here, I don’t know how long his political career would be.
Freehoff: If Hamas wanted to, they could stop these peace talks in a day. If there’s an abduction or a terrorist bombing, the Israeli public will feel that there is no partner to talk with and that the people they’re talking with don’t have the power or influence.
Do you think this round of peace talks will lead to peace?
Mercurio: It has to work. By 2015, the populations of the West Bank and Gaza will be equal to that of Israel. The day after that happens, it’s apartheid rule. It’s a minority ruling a majority and that’s completely unacceptable. The Palestinian Authority agrees that there is an Israeli state. We don’t deny the right for Israel to exist. It exists—we get it. But we have the right to exist as well.
Freehoff: Every peace talk leads somewhere. I hope against hope that this one won’t be as disappointing as the others have been. I hope the Palestinian Authority will be able to withstand pressure from certain organizations and stay in the peace talks. I know the Israeli side will not withdraw from these peace talks unless any acts of hostilities are made against Israel. The problem is that this is only the West Bank. It’s only half of the solution, but it’s on the right track.
Leslie Friday can be reached at lfriday@bu.edu; follow her on Twitter at @lesliefriday.
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