Neidle, C. and R.G. Lee (2006)
Syntactic agreement across language modalities: American Sign Language.
This paper presents an account of the expression of syntactic agreement in American Sign Language (ASL). In ASL, phi-features — associated not only with number and person but also with referential information — are instantiated spatially through both the manual articulation of lexicla items and non-manual markings (gestures of t he upper body that co-occur in parallel with manual signing). The morphological expression of agreement on a subclass of verbs, so-called agreeing verbs, has been studied for some time (Padden 1983, e.g.), but the discovery of the systematic non-manual component is relatively recent (Bahan 1996; MacLaughlin 1997). In transitive clauses and possessive DP's, head tilt toward the location in space associated with the subject marks subjct agreement, whereas object agreement is marked by an eye gaze toward the location associated with the object. In intransitive clauses and non-possessive DP's, agreement with the main NP is expressed by heat tile or eye gaze or both. One unresolved puzzle has been the seeming optionality of these markings. In this paper, we reconsider the function of head tilt, arguing that it is, in fact, a focus marker that incorporates expression of subject agreement. Thus, it occurrence is dependent on the semantics of the sentence, but when it does occur, it serves to mark not only focus but also subject agreement.
Studies on Agreement (2006), Edited by João Costa and Maria Cristina Figueiredo Silva, 203–222.
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Neidle, C. (2003)
Language across modalities: ASL focus and question constructions.
In ASL questions, the wh-phrase may appear either in situ or in a CP-final position (in which non wh-phrases do not appear). Overt wh-movement correlates with a reading on which the wh-phrase is in focus. In ASL, there is a projection on the left periphery above TP that houses not only focused DPs but, more generally, 'if', 'when,' and relative clauses. It is argued that focused wh-phrases move to the specifier of this projection; they then undergo wh-movement to the clause-final Spec,CP. Relativized Minimality explains why non-focused wh-phrases remain in situ. This account provides an explanation for the syntactic and semantic differences between the two types of question constructions. Further support for this analysis comes from the distribution of an indefinite focus particle.
Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2 (2002), 71-98.
Digitized video examples illustrating the constructions discussed in this paper as signed by native signers will be available here.
Video examples will also be available on CD-ROM
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A Particle of Indefiniteness in American Sign Language
We describe here the characteristics of a very frequently-occurring ASL indefinite focus particle, which has not previously been recognized as such. We show here that, despite its similarity to the question sign "WHAT", the particle is distinct from that sign in terms of articulation, function, and distribution. The particle serves to express "uncertainty" in various ways, which can be formalized semantically in terms of a domain-widening effect of the same sort as that proposed for English 'any' by Kadmon & Landman (1993). Its function is to widen the domain of possibilities under consideration from the typical to include the non-typical as well, along a dimension appropriate in the context.
Linguistic Discovery volume 2, 2003.
Digitized video examples illustrating the constructions discussed in this paper as signed by native signers will be available on-line.
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The Distribution of Functional Projections in ASL: Evidence from Overt Expressions of Syntactic Features
Signed languages provide a unique type of evidence of the architecture of functional projections. As in other signed languages, ASL, the focus of this article, has non-manual expressions of many of the major syntactic features postulated to occur in functional heads. These expressions take the form of particular gestures on the head and upper body that occur potentially over phrasal domains, in parallel with manual signing. The distribution and intensity of these grammatical markings provide evidence of hierarchical structure and phrasal boundaries. In this article, we summarize the major findings of our recent research on the syntax of ASL relevant to the issue of the mapping of functional projections.
In G. Cinque, ed., Functional Structure in the DP and IP: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures, Vol. 1, Oxford University Press, 195-224.
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SignStream™: A Database Tool for Research on Visual-Gestural Language.
SignStream™ is a MacOS application that provides a single computing environment within which to view, annotate, analyze, and search through video and/or audio data, making it useful for linguistic research on signed langauges and the gestural component of spoken languages. SignStream is distributed on a non-profit basis to educators, students, and researchers, and the features of version 2.0 are described in this artcle. Program design and development are ongoing, however, and the developers welcome feedback and suggestions.
In Sign Language and Linguistics 4 (2001):1/2, 203-214.
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Neidle, C. , S. Sclaroff, and V. Athitsos (2001)
SignStream™: A Tool for Linguistic and Computer Vision Research on Visual-Gestural Language Data.
Research on recognition and generation of signed languages and the gestural component of spoken languages has been held back by the unavailability of large-scale linguistically annotated corpora of the kind that led to significant advances in the area of spoken language. A major obstacle has been the lack of computational tools to assist in efficient analysis and transcription of visual language data. Here we describe SignStream™, a computer program that we have designed to facilitate transcription and linguistic analysis of visual language. Machine vision methods to assist linguists in detailed annotation of gestures of the head, face, hands, and body are being developed. We have been using SignStream to analyze data from native signers of American Sign Language (ASL) collected in our new video collection facility, equipped with multiple synchronized digital video cameras. The video data and associated linguistic annotations are being made publicly available in multiple formats.
In Behavior Research Methods, Instruments, and Computers 33:3, 311-320.
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MacLaughlin, D., C. Neidle, B. Bahan, and R. G. Lee (2000)
Morphological Inflections and Syntactic Representations of Person and Number in ASL
This article examines the expression of number features in relation to (but as distinct from) person features in ASL. We consider parallelisms in the spatial instantiation of agreement features in the nominal and verbal domains, which may be seen as natural consequences of the existence, in both domains, of functional projections of person, number, and aspect.
M. Blondel and L. Tuller (eds), Recherches linguistiques de Vincennes 29 : Langage et surdité, 73-100.
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The Licensing of Null Arguments in American Sign Language
The distribution of null arguments across languages has been accounted for in terms of two distinct strategies: licensing by agreement and licensing by topic. Lillo-Martin (1986, 1991) claims that ASL exploits both strategies for licensing null subjects, depending on the morphological characteristics of the main verb. Here we show that this is incorrect. Once the non-manual correlates of agreement features (comparable to the non-manual expressions of other syntactic features) in ASL are recognized, it becomes apparent that null arguments in this language are systematically licensed by an overt expression of syntactic agreement.
Linguistic Inquiry 31:1, 1-27.
Note only for those at BU: a pdf version of this article is available on-line; see: http://www.bu.edu/library/ejournals/.
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The Syntax of American Sign Language: Functional Categories and Hierarchical Structure
This book reports on the major findings that have emerged thus far from the ongoing American Sign Language Linguistic Research Project. It includes a discussion of the sociolinguistic context for linguistic research on ASL and factors that pose special methodological challenges for data collection. Subsequent chapters consider the basic organization of the ASL clause, with a focus on tense, agreement, and question constructions. Structural parallels between the clause and noun phrase in ASL are explored. We argue that the findings from ASL provide important evidence bearing on issues of current theoretical interest (such as the nature and representation of agreement and proposed universal constraints on movement and phrase structure).
Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
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Neidle, C. and D. MacLaughlin (1998)
SignStream™: A Tool for Linguistic Research on Signed Languages
This article reports on the ongoing development of SignStream and describes the use of SignStream for linguistic transcription and analysis of data from signed languages.
Sign Language & Linguistics 1:1, 111-114.
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Neidle, C., D. MacLaughlin, R.G. Lee, B. Bahan, and J. Kegl (1998)
The Rightward Analysis of Wh-movement in ASL: A Reply to Petronio and Lillo-Martin 1997
Neidle, Kegl, Bahan, Aarons, and MacLaughlin 1997 argues that rightward wh-movement in ASL constitutes a counter-example to claims by Kayne (1994) that all phrasal projections exhibit Specifier-Head-Complement order and that syntactic movement is leftward. Petronio and Lillo-Martin (1997) offer a critique of our analysis and a proposal (albeit still inconsistent with Kayne) involving leftward wh-movement. Here, we argue that Petronio and Lillo-Martin's interpretations of the data are incorrect and that their analysis cannot account for the facts of the language. We therefore maintain that universal grammar must allow the option of rightward movement.
Note: there were serious omissions from the published version of this article. Click here to access those passages.
There is also a longer article on this subject, by the same authors, that may be downloaded over the Internet: Wh-Questions in ASL: A Case for Rightward Movement.
Language 74:4, 819-831.
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Neidle, C., B. Bahan, D. MacLaughlin, R.G. Lee, and J. Kegl (1998)
Realizations of Syntactic Agreement in American Sign Language:
Similarities between the Clause and the Noun PhraseASL syntax makes essential use of specific non-manual expressions of syntactic features (e.g., +neg, +wh) that co-occur with manual lexical items. These markings occur obligatorily with manual material contained in the node of origin and optionally extend over the c-command domain of that node, thus providing crucial evidence for hierarchical structure. Here we show that agreement features, both within the clause and the noun phrase, also have non-manual correlates that exhibit the predicted distribution. Interestingly, transitive IP's and possessive DP's pattern together in their manifestation of agreement marking, while intransitive IP's pattern with non-possessive DP's.
Studia Linguistica 52:3, 191-226.
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Neidle, C., J. Kegl, B. Bahan, D. Aarons, and D. MacLaughlin (1997)
Rightward Wh-Movement in American Sign Language
In this paper, we present arguments that in ASL, wh-movement, when it occurs, moves a wh-phrase rightward to the [Spec, CP] position. Support for this analysis comes from an interesting type of corroborating evidence not available for spoken languages: the distribution of non-manual (facial) grammatical marking. We discuss the following wh-question structures: main clause questions, rhetorical questions, embedded questions, and wh-phrases that occur outside of CP, in topic or tag positions. We consider, and reject, alternative approaches in keeping with Kayne's (1994) proposed universal that all movement is leftward. We conclude that the data from ASL provide evidence for the existence of rightward movement processes.
In D. Beerman [sic], D. LeBlanc, and H. van Riemsdijk (eds), Rightward Movement. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 247-278. [errata]
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Lee, R.G., C. Neidle, D. MacLaughlin, B. Bahan, and J. Kegl (1997)
Role Shift in ASL: A Syntactic Look at Direct Speech
This paper presents an analysis of the direct speech 'role shift' construction in American Sign Language (a construction that is somewhat analogous to the English direct speech construction: "John said: 'I don't like that.'"). While in English, the direct speech clause is generally analyzed as being embedded under the matrix verb, it is shown that the ASL construction consists of two syntactically independent yet logically related clauses: the introductory clause with a verb of 'saying' (e.g. SAY or TELL), followed by the direct speech clause. Evidence for the independent clause analysis comes from examination of the distribution of various clause-final elements (moved wh-phrases, right-dislocated pronominals, and clause-final adverbials) in these constructions. In addition, the paper argues against a proposal that has been offered by Lillo-Martin (1995) in which the direct speech clause is an embedded complement of a purported 'Point Of View Predicate' (itself embedded beneath the verb of saying).
In C. Neidle, D. MacLaughlin, and R.G. Lee (eds), Syntactic Structure and Discourse Function: An Examination of Two Constructions in American Sign Language. American Sign Language Linguistic Research Project Report No. 4, Boston University, Boston, MA. May 1997, 24-45.
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Hoza, J., C. Neidle, D. MacLaughlin, J. Kegl, and B. Bahan (1997)
A Unified Syntactic Account of Rhetorical Questions in
American Sign Language
We propose a syntactic analysis of the rhetorical question-answer sequence, frequently used to introduce new information in American Sign Language. Although the question and answer combine for a specific discourse function, the two components do not form a single syntactic clause. We argue that such a sequence is, in fact, composed of a question--having the same essential syntactic structure as an information-seeking question--followed by an answer. While our claim is in keeping with earlier descriptive work, we argue against alternative positions taken by Wilbur and others, who maintain that the question-answer sequence is contained within a single clause (cf. Wilbur's contention that this is a pseudocleft construction). On such accounts, a rhetorical yes-no question-answer sequence is treated as a question followed by an answer, while a rhetorical wh question-answer sequence is analyzed differently: as a single declarative clause. We provide a unified account, showing that the rhetorical question-answer sequence has the same basic syntactic structure regardless of the type of the question involved (yes-no vs. wh). Furthermore, examination of rhetorical questions provides additional support for the syntactic account provided in NKBAM (in press) for questions generally.
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Kegl, J., C. Neidle, D. MacLaughlin, J. Hoza, and B. Bahan (1996)
The Case for Grammar, Order and Position in ASL: A Reply to Bouchard and Dubuisson
This is a reply to Bouchard and Dubuisson's article, "Grammar, Order, and Position of Wh-Signs in Quebec Sign Language" (Sign Language Studies, 1995), which argues that visual-gestural languages are not bound by any universal constraints on word order. While the focus of their article is an examination of word order in LSQ, B&D begin with a review of the literature concerning word order in ASL, which is generally analyzed as having an underlying base word order from which other surface word orders are derived. In particular, B&D critique proposals by Aarons, Bahan, Kegl, and Neidle (1992), by offering alternative ways to account for the previously reported ASL data. In this reply, we demonstrate that the alternatives offered by B&D simply cannot account for the ASL data; we reaffirm the notion that ASL is a highly configurational language; and we reinforce the specific syntactic analysis of ASL that we have proposed.
Sign Language Studies 90, 1996, 1-23.
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Bahan, B., J. Kegl, D. MacLaughlin, and C. Neidle (1995)
Convergent Evidence for the Structure of Determiner Phrases in American Sign Language
In this paper, we present semantic, distributional, and articulatory evidence to support the claim that ASL has determiners. We identify definite and indefinite determiners that occur pre-nominally. We distinguish the pre-nominal use of the index finger pointing to a location in space associated with nominal reference (IX) from a related adverbial use of an index that can occur post-nominally.
While previous researchers had not distinguished between these two uses of IX, our analysis can capture the differences between pre- and post-nominal indexes, as well as their ability to cooccur, as in IX MAN IX, which we analyze as comparable to the French cet homme-là or the Norwegian den mannen der ('that man there') constructions. We show that the determiner IX is identical to the IX used for pronominal reference, supporting proposals (e.g., Postal, 1969; Abney, 1987) that pronouns are essentially determiners. Furthermore, we demonstrate that non-manual grammatical markings associated with the head determiner of the DP optionally spread over their c-command domain, consistent with our generalization about the distribution of non-manual grammatical markings in ASL.
Click here for general information about downloading files.Also available on CD-ROM
In L. Gabriele, D. Hardison and R. Westmoreland (eds), FLSM VI, Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Meeting of the Formal Linguistics Society of Mid-America, Volume Two. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Linguistics Club Publications, 1-12.
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Aarons, D., B. Bahan, J. Kegl, and C. Neidle (1995)
Lexical Tense Markers in American Sign
Language
We argue that, contrary to previous claims, ASL has grammatical tense. There are lexical tense markers that have a very particular distribution, occurring in the slot just to the left of sentential negation. We argue that this position, in which either a modal or a lexical tense marker (but not both) may be found, is the head of the clause in ASL. While many lexical tense markers are morphologically related to temporal adverbials, we show that they are distinguishable on the basis of both distribution and articulation.
In K. Emmorey, and J. Reilly (eds), Language, Gesture, and Space. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 225-253.
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Shepard-Kegl, J., C. Neidle, and J. Kegl (1995)
Legal Ramifications of an Incorrect Analysis of Tense
in ASL
This paper involves an analysis of the deposition of a Deaf homeowner who was a plaintiff in a lawsuit. We focus on miscues in the interpretation process (which had serious consequences for the plaintiff) that may well have been based on misassumptions by the interpreter about the way in which tense is marked in ASL. In this article, we identify apparent contradictions in the transcript of the plaintiff's testimony--as it was interpreted into English--and argue that there is strong evidence of miscues related to time information in the process of interpretation. For example, when asked a question like "Did you understand [at the time you signed the document] that...?" the plaintiff was instead answering a question about his current state of knowledge. We suggest that reliance on the traditional account of how tense is marked in ASL (namely by time adverbials in the prior discourse; we have argued elsewhere that this is incorrect) can lead to miscommunication, since crucial time information expressed non-manually by the signer may not be picked up by the interpreter, and conversely, the interpreter may fail to mark tense in ways that the signer would expect to find tense marked.
Journal of Interpretation, 7:1, 53-70.
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Aarons, D., B. Bahan, J. Kegl, and C. Neidle (1994)
Subjects and Agreement in American Sign
Language
This paper argues that subject agreement is structurally present in ASL main clauses containing verbs of all morphological classes (including so-called "plain" verbs as well as "agreeing" verbs). We argue against a proposal contained in Lillo-Martin 1986 and 1991--a proposal originally put forward by Kegl, and then subsequently abandoned by her (see arguments against this analysis, for example, in Kegl 1985)--that only null subjects of agreeing verbs are licensed by Agreement, as in Italian, but that null subjects of plain verbs are licensed by Topic, as in Chinese. We argue that null subjects are uniformly licensed by syntactic subject agreement in ASL.
In I. Ahlgren, B. Bergman, and M. Brennan (eds), Perspectives on Sign Language Structure: Papers from the Fifth International Conference on Sign Language Research, Volume 1. Durham, England: International Sign Linguistics Association, 13-28.
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Aarons, D., B. Bahan, J. Kegl, and C. Neidle (1992)
Clausal Structure and a Tier for Grammatical Marking in American Sign Language
Grammatical information in ASL can systematically be marked on the face. Such non-manual marking extends over the c-command domain of the trigger, and therefore provides information about the hierarchical structure of the language. Consistent with evidence available from the distribution of non-manual markings--as illustrated with respect to wh-marking and negation--a basic clausal structure for ASL is proposed.
Nordic Journal of Linguistics 15:103-142.