The
Rightward Analysis of Wh-Movement:
A Reply to Petronio and Lillo-Martin 1997
Neidle, MacLaughlin, Lee, Bahan, and Kegl
Language 74:4, 819-831.
Unfortunately,
several passages from our article did not appear in the
printed version. These sections are provided below, so that
the reader may reconstruct the article as originally
intended.
Passage
1: importance of access to video data exemplifying
constructions presented in gloss form
Passage 2:
inconsistencies in the reporting of Petronio's 1991
results.
Passage 3:
Section 3.8.
SUMMARY.
Passage 1 - p.
822
3. DECIDING BETWEEN THE TWO
ANALYSES. We now consider the predictions of these
analyses in relation to data from ASL. The fact that ASL is
a visual language, with no written form, presents certain
difficulties for the representation and reporting of data.
Glosses omit tremendous amounts of detail, and it is
virtually impossible to reconstruct an example based on a
gloss alone. For this reason, we make available over the
Internet digitized video exemplars of the grammatical
sentences we report on.
insert:
We hope that
Petronio and Lillo-Martin, who also acknowledge the
inadequacy of gloss representations, will likewise
make available video corresponding to the examples
they presented in gloss form in P&L 1997. (This
would be particularly helpful since we have been
unable to reproduce many of the sentences that they
report as grammatical, including both
WH
and
non-WH
constructions.) Especially given the complexities
involved in the elicitation of grammaticality
judgments in ASL (see NKMBL 1999), in the absence
of access to video exemplars of the data under
discussion, it is impossible to assess differences
in grammaticality judgments reported in the
literature. It is essential that videotaped data be
made available for public inspection if issues
surrounding the data are ever to be
resolved.
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Passage 2 - p.
822
3.1. WH-OBJECTS IN INITIAL
POSITION. We begin with the most fundamental
constructions critical to deciding between leftward and
rightward WH-movement: sentences containing a single
WH-phrase.4 Our analysis predicts sentences like
(5), with a sentence-initial WH-object, to be ungrammatical,
while they are predicted to be grammatical by P&L's
analysis. Such sentences are reported to be ungrammatical by
our informants (when signed exactly as glossed).5

insert:
Petronio
(1991:212) reports that "signers who came from Deaf
families where their parents used ASL" usually
reported sentences with an initial
WH-object
to be ungrammatical, while "signers who came from
hearing families (i.e. their parents did not use
ASL)" sometimes concurred with the native signers
in finding them ungrammatical, but sometimes did
not.
Interestingly,
Petronio (1993:99), while presenting no new
relevant evidence, summarizes these findings as
follows: "In previous work (Petronio 1991), I
reported that some ASL signers accept whOSV in
direct questions while others reject it." No
mention is made in Petronio 1993, however, of that
fact that, according to Petronio 1991, native
signers generally reject such sentences.
Although P&L
discuss this construction (1997:50-51), they report
"varying judgments" and make no explicit claim
about the grammaticality of the critical sentences.
They summarize their own previous reports on such
sentences as follows: "Lillo-Martin 1990 and
Lillo-Martin & Fischer 1992 report them as
grammatical, and Petronio 1993 reports that they
receive mixed judgments." The misleading
characterization in Petronio 1993 of the findings
of Petronio 1991 is thus perpetuated in P&L
1997, since, yet again, no mention is made of the
fact that the native signers tested by Petronio
generally reject such sentences.
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Thus, notwithstanding the characterization in P&L
1997, sentence-initial WH-objects are generally rejected by
native signers.
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Concluding section
- p. 829
insert:
3.8.
SUMMARY.
We have demonstrated that the data from native
signers are consistent only with a rightward
WH-movement
analysis. In sentences containing a single
WH-phrase,
that phrase may be moved to a clause-final spec-CP
position, but not to a left-peripheral position.
This also holds for
WH-phrases
extracted from within an embedded clause; such
phrases may move to the right periphery of the
matrix clause, but may not precede the matrix
clause.
The distribution
of non-manual
WH-marking
follows from generalizations about the distribution
of non-manual syntactic marking in ASL, given the
rightward movement analysis we have proposed. When
manual material is available in the rightward
spec-CP position, the spread of
WH-marking
over the rest of the CP is optional; otherwise,
spread is obligatory.
We have argued
against P&L's claim that right-peripheral
WH-material
cannot be phrasal. Thus, P&L's postulation of a
single C node intended to house "focus" elements
(including
WH-signs)
not only lacks independent motivation, but also
cannot account for the occurrence of
WH-phrases
sentence-finally.
We have
discussed a major problem with P&L's claim that
non-manual
WH-marking
necessarily spreads over the entire CP. To maintain
this claim, they are forced to analyze examples in
which
WH-marking
occurs solely over the final
WH-phrase
as multisentence discourses. We have shown that
this is untenable.
P&L's
analysis makes incorrect predictions for the
relative ordering of topics (adjoined to CP) and
left-peripheral
WH-phrases
(in spec-CP, on their account). In fact,
WH-phrases
may precede or follow (other) base-generated
topics, as correctly predicted by our analysis of
left-peripheral
WH-phrases
as base-generated topics.
Finally, we have
questioned the validity of P&L's use of
variability in grammaticality judgments as evidence
to support their distinction between
WH-traces
and "null
WH-elements."
Essentially, P&L report variability for the
majority of the constructions they discuss. Some of
this variability is attributed to the presence of
null
WH-elements,
while some is considered to be idiosyncratic; no
principled basis for distinguishing between the two
is provided.
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