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395
changes that give rise to ferment and uncertainty. With the weakening of
the center, ethnic separatism flourishes, and individual and group interests
become stronger than the common bonds. The connection itself be–
tween fascism and
fin-de-siecle
remains to be investigated in detail: on the
one hand fascism as a reaction against "decadence"; on the other, the
inspiration provided by it, with 0'Annunzio as an obvious example.
There are many others, such as Maurice Barres (from decadence to the
Action Franc;:aise) and Julius Evola (from Dadaism to ultra-fascism). But
fin-de-siecle
is not what it used to be. Once it was Oscar Wilde, the
Yel–
low Book,
All
rebours,
and Viennese impressionism. Now it is New Age
and postmodernism as a philosophy and a cultural epoch. Perhaps the
twentieth century did not deserve any better. The term
fin-de-siecle
first
appeared in a comedy; now it has become a tragicomedy.
For reasons unknown, apocalyptic fears tend
to
grow towards the
end of a century, and
a fortiori
a millcnium. Having shown their ineffi–
ciency, there is the call to replace political parties by citizens' initiatives,
perhaps with an occasional plebiscite - "direct" rather than representative
democracy. Slogans stressing law and order and strong leadership become
popular. The populists advocate a "third way" between capitalism and
Communism. Their inspiration may be nationalist or religious-fundamen–
talist or a mixture of the two. Old-fashioned racialism is out as much as
the cult of the Fuhrer, but so is proletarian internationalism and Marxist
doctrine. Communists and fascists are aware that they have to shed some
of their cherished beliefs if they want to make a comeback anywhere in
this world. And they also realize that they have to join forces. Not ev–
eryone on the extreme left (and right) will agree to collaborate with
their erstwhile enemies. But the majority seems to be ready for such an
alliance against the common enemy - the democrats, the liberals, the
West. Those on the left and right unwilling to make such sacrifice will
be reduced
to
sectarian insignificance.
Despite the Italian MSI, despite Le Pen and Haider, a fascist revival in
democratic Europe seems less likely than in Eastern Europe and the
Middle East and South Asia. The ultra-nationalist passions in Europe are
spent. What is fascism without its fanaticism, its violence in the streets,
torchlight parades, remilitarization, and wars of conquest? A second
coming cannot be ruled out, but it would be a tame "defensive" fascism,
and the old labels would no longer fit. Today's European fascists or
para-fascists no longer wish to spend their money on big armies but
rather want to keep out immigrants. They seek not empires but, at most,
a "fortress Europe."
Chances are better in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union,
