FROM RATIONALITY TO SUBJECTIVITY
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responsible for seeking alleviation of the excruciating anxiety that accom–
panied uncertainty regarding the central question for believers: their
personal salvation status. Yet Reform Calvinists in particular could,
through their actions, convince themselves of their status among the saved.
Weber especially emphasizes one mechanism for doing so: if worldly suc–
cess-defined as material prosperity-was attained, the faithful could
conclude that this success itself indicated the favor of an omniscient and
omnipotent God. And God, of course, would offer such a "sign" only to
the predestined.
In
this manner, unusually strong "psychological premi–
ums" were awarded to methodical work; only through systematic labor
might material prosperity be attained.
Remarkably, even though
ul
timately motivated by the search to clari–
fy
the
individual's
salvation status, this intensification of work had the effect
of accentuating the commitment of believers
to a community.
For, although
left alone by ascetic Protestant doctrine to create "evidences" of their
membership among the saved, the methodical work of the devout-the
means of doing so-never served the individual alone. Instead, God's glory
required the faithful to labor on His behalf and to create, in His honor, the
humane earthly Kingdom. Hence, labor became methodical, yet also ori–
ented away from the egocentric individual's interests and toward far
broader tasks. This Mission constituted a religious obligation.
In
this way,
work tied believers into a community and took place for a purpose larger
than utilitarian calculations aimed to accumulate material goods. A clear
dualism is apparent: a world mastery individualism focused upon individ–
ual rights and the capaci ty of individuals to shape and re-shape their
personal destinies, yet an equally strong thrust toward community
improvement.
Furthermore, a delineated organization crystallized as the "social car–
rier" for the psychological premiums upon community participation
introduced by ascetic Protestantism: the congregation. Because
aJamily
of
trust and helpfulness was fostered in these organizations, they served as
viable and natural "training grounds" for group participation. Here, in a
secure milieu of fellow believers, the rules of "self-government" and ser–
vice to the group could be taught. A push toward civic activism, yet also
toward a goal-oriented individualism crystallized, leaving a broad imprint
on colonial America and the early U.S.
Owing to the centrality of work and the religious significance of suc–
cessful trade and profit, and the strictness of the ascetic's adherence to
God's Commandments, trust, truthful advice, and the ethic of fair play
became firm ideals, also in commercial relationships. These ideals carried
over, although to a varying extent as a consequence of regional differences,
into the political sphere and erected strong ideals of truthfulness, social
trust, good will, and fair play in public life. These ideals took hold long
