WRITERS IN EXILE
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events in Poland today wouldn't have occurred if there had not been
a human rights movement in the Soviet Union.
VALERY CHALIDZE: Mr. Loebl's speech was passionate . I didn't
understand it all, but I think I understood the last part. And I think
it's an example of how we are considered allies while we still haven't
expressed our opinion on certain questions. For example, our move–
ment has never spoken out on the topics of unemployment, inflation,
or frustrations in society. I won't speak for all my colleagues, but I
have nothing against a society with inflation, unemployment, and
frustrations. They are natural phenomena in a normally developing
society. On the other hand, I fear all of those who want to build an
unnatural society without inflation, without unemployment, and
without frustrations.
ERAZIM KOHAK: I think we have to distinguish between the fu–
ture of the Soviet Union and the future of Russia. As for the Soviet
Union and the Soviet empire, I have seen enough of its internal
workings to be confident that this empire will perish and ought to
perish. As far as the future of Russia goes, I think we are in a totally
different sphere. With respect to the Soviet Union, historical deter–
minism on an economic basis might be applicable. As for Russia,
Petr Grigorenko spoke directly to the point - that whether Russia
will remain the dark outskirts of Europe or whether it will find a new
future for itself will very much depend upon the ability not to live
underground. Living underground is a longstanding Russian tradi–
tion. We in Central Europe are also infected with it.
If
there is a fu–
ture, I think Grigorenko is absolutely right: it is in standing up, in
not living with a lie. And the greatness of the movement that in the
West is called the "dissident movement" lies precisely in the fact that
it is not a conspiracy but a group of people who stand up regardless
of the cost, who are no longer willing to conspire, who now refuse to
live a lie.
NAUM KORZHAVIN: The reason we don't have a program is not
that we have quarreled among ourselves. We have no program and
therefore have nothing to quarrel over. No one, from Solzhenitsyn
to whomever you like, has set forth a program of action. There's no
program, but there is a situation which consists of the fact that our
Russian, Soviet society-whichever you prefer-is a broken struc–
ture. Communications among the people inside the country- in al–
most every bloc country-have been destroyed. Today they want to
