EDITH KURZWEIL
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vision network-mostly Christian-Democrats with a sprinkling of
Socialists. Grand-Master Licio Gelli's organization chart–
members had code names and knew only those belonging to their
own cells - became available, although a suitcase of documents had
been removed, leaving much room for speculation about the aims of
P2. Later on, as witnesses began to testify, and Gelli had dis–
appeared, he was not only linked to prominent Mafia bosses, NATO
generals, and international bankers, but to former prime ministers
Amintore Fanfani and Giulio Andreotti, so that membership in P2
seemed to be only the first step to the discovery of a larger political
conspiracy. Essentially, the clandestine nature of this political organ–
ization, in a country where secret societies are outlawed, sparked
the customarily vivid Italian imaginations. Personal histories of P2
members were being reexamined in line with the organization's
scope, the combined power of whose "blood brothers" could easily
effect a coup . At first it was speculated that even if no plan for such a
coup would be found, the "lost" suitcase might contain one . Later
on , the question was reversed : would it be worthwhile to set up such
an elaborate network for any aim lesser than a government take–
over? Already before the government was forced to step down , resig–
nations had been demanded, and some were received. Many
refused, protesting their innocence. When Gelli was reported to
have been a confessed Fascist with underworld connections , the cul–
pability of all P2 members seemed even more certain, especially as
lists of "dues received" were produced, and as more and more fes–
tering scandals were examined from this new perspective.
Whereas some Italians perceived this super-scandal as no
different from all the previous ones and expected that after a
rimpasto
(reshuffling) of the government corruption would continue and
increase, others likened it to Watergate. That the Forlani govern–
ment resigned because the morals of some of its leaders were ques–
tioned indicates, in a subtle way, that Italy is turning a corner.
There are other indications as well . The timing and the fact that the
names were publicized at all appear to point to the loss of power of
the Christian-Democrats . And the May 20 kidnapping of a Monte–
dison director by the Red Brigades, for instance, engendered a joint
protest strike by members of all the local and regional unions. (After
he was found dead, in the trunk of a car, on July 7, both workers and
managers staged a nationwide strike against terrorism.) In view of
the strong condemnation of both far-left and far-right terrorism by
the Italian Communist Party (PCI) as well as by all the other "legiti-
