PARTISAN REVIEW
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traduced in other East European countries) would lead to the reIn–
statement of capitalism, but because they wished to crush the political
reform movement, halt the decentralization of power and prevent the
rank-and-file Communists and socialists from implementing the ideals
of revolution according to their own lights.
In
this context it is signifi–
cant that today the CPCS denigrates workers' councils (i.e. working–
class power) as "rightist and counter-revolutionary."
Whatever his motives or convictions, by surrendering the people's
political freedoms, Husak has forsaken that part of the "content of
socialist democracy" which is vital to socialism. Husak, the wily tacti–
cian, may well have reached the end of his attempt to "Kadarize"
Czechoslovakia.
It
is ironic that a victim of the Stalinist trials should
become the head of the country which is now the most repressive in
the Eastern bloc. Husak haggled with the hawks over the trials, but
self-interest may have been his motivation. For his
raison d'etre
lies in
preserving a semblance of difference between himself and the revenge–
hungry hardliners. He succeeded only in delaying the trials.
If
the
hawks decide that the international situation and Western reaction to
the
J
972 trials permit it, they will try to put Dubcek and some others
ill the dock while Husak might try to restrain them again. But he is
a loser; hence his influence is already declining. Acquiescence might
save Husak, but it would seem that his time has run out.
It
will be
surprising if he is still First Secretary after the end of the presidential
term of office - May 1973.
It
is more than likely that he will be "pro–
moted" to the powerless post of President of the Republic.
The future of socialism in Czechoslovakia is more important than
Husak's future.
(It
remains to be seen whether the Czechs with their
living memory of eight months of democratic socialism - or rather the
search for it - and long-standing tradition of democratic thinking will
be driven by the specter of trials and the lack of a future eventually
to swallow sterile, expediential "goulash" Communism. ) Views differ
on this, although the majority of Czechs believe (or want to believe)
that the population's socialist leanings are strong enough to withstand
even a long-term Russian occupation. Some advocate a broad socialist
mO\'ement which might eventually spring from the underground and
at the appropriate time would lead a popular uprising. Others pin their
hope on the necessity for a softer line in the Kremlin, which would
lessen tension in Europe and make possible the peaceful withdrawal
of the occupation troops and the building of genuine socialism. Some
put their trust in the historic role of the Communist party which,
purged of collaborators and enlightened by its mistakes, will finally
