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NAT HENTOFF
objections to the current theory of coalition is that the black under–
class's lack of cohesive strength fosters elitism. Without leaders directly
responsible to a mass base in the ghetto, what real voice can the
black poor have in any coalition at present? Instead, the Negroes now
have "national spokesmen" who, for example, equate political maturity
with "compromise" in the seating of the Mississippi Freedom Dern&
cratic Party delegates at the Democratic party convention in Atlantic
City. But whom do these leaders represent- in Mississippi or
in
Harlem?
If
the black and the white poor each organize, we can then
talk of an effective coalition of black and white workers and
of
the black and white unemployed. To speak now as
if
either group
were cohesive enough to join a coalition in which its members would
have decision-making power is to compound illusions.
I do not think Harrington has gone beyond wishful thinking
in
his belief that,
"if
the civil rights activists, the union members, the
poor, the youth, and the rest of the population geared to social
change could make of the Democratic party their party, that would
be a tremendous step for the Left of the Sixties." Of course
it
would,
but how
is
that to be done in view of the current state of the
Left?
Who will begin the take-over? In many sections of the country
this
change
in
the Democratic party will have to come through
black
organization. In some places, parapolitics may be the first step-as
with the Freedom Democratic Party in Mississippi and the new
Brooklyn Freedom Democratic Party. In other situations, people
of
the ghettos could take over the local Democratic party from below
and elect people who are fully responsible to their constituency.
I recognize the danger that local power structures may then
be
able to dilute and detour these community organizations by granting
part or all of their most pressing demands.
If
that were to happen
the kind of revolution and fundamental redistribution of power called
for by Staughton Lynd would remain a fantasy. Much depends,
therefore, on the degree of democracy and the depth of understanding
about basic issues in newly created community groups. That the black
poor have not yet shown that they can
be
organizationally and
politically hip is only part of the story. So far no real choice has
been
offered them that would warrant their ceasing to be apathetic about
voting and about organizing themselves. What the new Left is trying
