624
MARSHALL BERMAN
dimension might open up to him, and prospects might appear a bit
less bleak.
This last complaint is more than marginal. Marcuse seems to take
a perverse pride in his isolation-indeed, this pride is the dominant
personal note in a book where personality is mostly effaced-and car–
ries it to gratuitous extremes. For instance, in a long, tortuous, esoteric
argument, full of jargon, repeated in several forms, he insists that
without a belief in the reality of universals, critical thought can get
nowhere. The only alternative to universal concepts, for him,
is
the
closed Newspeak which the sinister interests want to spread. The
empiricist demand for concrete reference and verification plays into
the hands of those who arrange the concrete world to which words
must refer. Thus the dominant American tradition of nominalism and
empiricism in social science is unalterably corrupt. Marcuse cites a
sociological study of workers' discontent in which social scientists work–
ing for management tried to reduce all
malaise
to specific, individual
grievances that could be adjusted individually while leaving the system
intact. Some workers complained, for example, that "wages are too low."
Marcuse comments:
The proposition is abstract. It refers to universal conditions
for which no particular case can be substituted. . . . The con–
cept "wages" refers to the group "wage-earners," integrating
all personal histories and special jobs into one concrete
universal.
Wages, in other words,
by definition,
must
always
be "too low": the
worker is actually raising questions about the
wage-system
as a whole,
questions that are potentially revolutionary. In the hands of the vil–
lainous (or helpless?) empiricists in management's pay, however,
The universal concept "wages" is replaced by "B.'s present
earnings," the meaning of which is fully defined by the par–
ticular set of operations
B.
has to perform in order to buy for
his family food, clothing, lodging, medicine, etc. . . . the
grouping "wage-earners" has disappeared along with the sub–
ject "wages"; what remains is a particular case which . . .
becomes susceptible to the accepted standards of treatment
by
a company whose case it is.
Now all this is ingenious, but misleading. Marcuse thinks that to make
protest concretely "empirical" necessarily strips it ,of its force; but
this simply isn't so. Certainly, from the viewpoint of a social scientist
committed to management's interests, the worker's complaint
may
be
"cashed" (to use William James's term)
this
way; and indeed, for any




