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564

R. H. S. CROSSMAN

him a fascist or a Nazi. In the truest sense of the word, these American

anti-liberals seem to me to be reactionaries, inspired not by a de–

termination

to

capture power but by a nostalgic desire to return to the

era of old laissez faire and White supremacy.

As such they are dangerous enough. Even modest success in

mobilizing votes this autumn will enable them

to

put on a brake suf–

ficient to render the racial problem insoluble, just as they are already

strong enough to prevent the Administration from grasping the op–

portunities for coexistence with the Soviet Union. They will never

become the conquerors of democracy, like the Nazis: but they could

certainly be its wreckers.

There is one more comment I would like to make on this dis–

concertingly readable book. In politics as in war, it is a fatal mistake

to underestimate the enemy. Of course, one can show that Mr. Burn–

ham's anti-liberal ideology can be ridiculed and demolished just as

easily as the liberal ideology at whose expense he has such fun. Mr.

Burnham himself remarks on the wayan ideology blinds its adherents

to the facts, undermines their power of objective judgement, and in the

last resort cuts them off from reality altogether. But what could be

more utterly remote from real life than the picture he himself paints

of an Administration penetrated by fellow-travelers? How can a sane

man condemn Mr. Kennedy for .softness to Cuba and give a history of

East-West relations since 1956 without a single mention of the Sino–

Russian conflict--<>r, indeed, of any changes within the Communist bloc?

But to ridicule Mr. Burnham's own ideological blindness is not

the end of the matter. Indeed, I am sure that the gravest mistake we

can commit is to underrate the importance of his attack on liberal

thinking and on liberalism in government. There is a real danger that

books like

Suicide of the West

will

be

disregarded or made fun of by

those who most need to take them to heart. Though he himself is

guilty of it, Mr. Burnham strikes home when he accuses us of moral

asymmetry, and reminds us that it is not only the Left of the thirties

which falls under his indictment. With the wisdom of hindsight, we all

now condemn the attitude of so many American liberals and British

socialists to the Moscow trials, and the double standard by which they

condemned those features of Nazi totalitarianism, to which they turned

a blind eye when they recurred in the Soviet Union.

In the 1960s, the area of moral asymmetry has changed; but its

extent is just as great as ever. The right-wing enemy which we find it so

easy to ridicule and condemn has not changed much since thirty years

ago. But to the left of center it is no longer at the altar of Russian