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ROBERT COLES
agree on most of the President's objectives. The trouble with the gov–
ernment's undertaking to solve by force some of the problems suggested
arises from the collision of politically established rights of one citizen
with the rights which have always been claimed by other citizens...."
In view of this honest, "realistic" appraisal of power politics, I won–
dered what need there was for a writer like Baldwin to engage in more
eloquent reaffirmations of the same message.
Yes, the lot of the Negro is tied with power, and so, in one sense,
who can disagree with Baldwin? By his ability to convey his feelings,
Baldwin has contributed to public discussion and information (I suspect
Baldwin touched on the guilt of many, to judge by his critics). And,
finally, it must be obvious that the very appearance of this kind of article
indicates that we are moving into that important time when the Negro
and white people of this country are not simply politically or economically
more nearly equal or "free," but socially, personally, humanly face to face.
A Negro youth in Birmingham who had read Baldwin had this to
say to me: "Baldwin jumps all over the white man, and sometimes I feel
like doing nothing else.... But you can't win if you're white. I mean no
matter what you try to do, you're wrong....
If
I felt like Baldwin, I
wouldn't try another sit-in. I'd be too depressed ... if I were white I'd
get annoyed with him after a while, because he goes overboard ... you
know, talks like a seggie in reverse. . . ."
At times Mr. Baldwin comes very close to this man and his world.
He also leaves him far behind
to
enter other territories, to engage in
angry exhortation or theoretical speculation. The sad fact is that our
country needs to know this youth better-and others, white and black,
like him. It needs to know itself.
Robert Coles
