THE PHILOSOPHICAL BATTLEFIELD
265
Fascist or Nazi taint were barred.) Ebbinghaus wisely observed that
"the common error of all despotisms is the right arrogated by the
community or individuals to compel people to be happy." But he
added that "the common error of democracies
in
which each one is
permitted to pursue his own happiness at any cost is that it makes
people tum to despotism."
Returning to the theme of Communist theory, Popper charged:
"We face a Marxism that has come down to the level of Goebbels
from the considerable heights of Marxist intellectualism." And refer–
ring to the kidnapping by the totalitarians of all words expressing
the generous ideals of liberalism and democracy, he said: "I feel old–
fashioned enough to call that type of society where one can get rid
of the government without bloodshed a democracy, and the other
kind a tyranny."
A fierce defense of the Communist philosophy was made by the
leading Communist theoretician at the Congress, Arnost Kolman,
in
the discussion of Popper's paper, and
in
his own speech at another ses–
sion. On both occasions the defense took the form of an impassioned at–
tack on Western philosophy. The only genuine humanism, he shouted,
could be found
"in
the Slavonic nations" headed by the Soviet Union.
The only correct philosophical principles were to
be
found
in
the
works of Marx, Lenin and Stalin. The only duty of contemporary
philosophy was to fight for the higher values of the Soviet Union
against the warmongering Western powers and their miserable philo–
sophical apologists, preachers of defeatism, mysticism, irrationalism
and inhumanity. All schools of Western philosophy were denounced,
and some philosophers by name--Sartre, Russell and Dewey. And
more
in
the same vein. Amsterdam was given a preview of the ses–
sions that were held shortly after at Wroclaw-Breslau. Kolman struck
only one conciliatory note. Despite the bankruptcy of all philosophies
except that of Leninist-Stalinism, the errors of those philosophers
who supported the foreign policy of the Soviet Union against Western
imperialism would be overlooked.
For the last thirty years, before he was sent by Moscow to
Prague, Kolman had been philosophical hatchet-man for the Com–
munist Party
in
the Soviet Union. No one had praised Stalin more
fulsomely for his philosophic and scientific genius. "It is our party
and our leader, Stalin," Kolman once wrote, "who directs, from the
