FRENCH PERIODICALS
action with the Communist Party, as it is, on the other. We are placed in a
historical situation in which every step is sinful, but where abstaining from
walking is a sin also. We must prefer the violence which promotes the prole–
tarian revolution to a liberty which promotes fascism. Later on, as the problems
emerge, we will ask the real questions: What kind of violence, until when and
up to what point?
In the same issue, Paul Fraisse asks correctly: "Are we blind
enough to forget that there exists also a fascism of the left? Shouldn't
we then reject both kinds of fascism simultaneously?" But he concludes
that one has to deal with first things first, that the Gaullist danger is
the most pressing now.
The syndicalist monthly
Revolution Proletarienne
prints an excellent
rejoinder by J. D. Martinet to this position of
Esprit.
We quote only
the concluding sentences:
The naivete of the present pos1t1on of
Esprit
is fearsome. It makes those
spiritualists into standard-bearers of Stalinist fascism. And if Stalinism should
triumph one can easily imagine the "loyal opposition" of the group around
Emmanuel Mounier: it would again innocently serve the Stalinists ... until the
day when they-or at least their best elements-will also be liquidated.
One more example of the complete confusion on the issue of Stalin–
ism which still prevails in most sectors of the French left: Georges
Bataille recently reviewed Kravchenko's
I Chose Freedom
in
Critique
for January. Here are a few of his key remarks: When the peace came
in August, 1945, a feeling of inferiority developed nearly everywhere.
Only the Communist world remained an exception, a monolith among
an anxious and incoherent multitude united by nothing but its fear.
But this monolith which carries limitless hopes in its own destiny at the
same time represents instant terror to all those who don't accept its laws.
Communism destroys all hope for those opposed to it; hence, the fear
of Communism has become an obsession to all who are not Communist.
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