PARTISAN REVIEW
taining their rights. France,
in
particular, will not accept on any
other basis.
Rome, at various times, recognized this kind of association within
the Empire. The Germanic Holy Roman Empire did so urider another
form, the British Commonwealth under a third. The problem is
to know what form this association can take in the twentieth century.
Naturally it will be closer to the idea of a Commonwealth than to that
of the Holy Roman Empire. But so long as we have not found the
answer, it remains the greatest problem of our century.
Here we are raising a question which will not be resolved in the
course of an informal conversation. In your opinion, however, what
is-or will be- the attitude of the United States toward federation?
Burnham:
It is true that "European federation" tends to be–
come a slogan empty of content. How plain this is in the holiday
speeches of some of our own politicians, who consider that a well–
rounded parenthesis on "federation" is enough to qualify them as
experts on international affairs !
It
is even more true that it is easier
to talk about "federation" than to act to bring it into being.
I will grant you the theoretical vagueness, and, even more readily,
the practical difficulties. But at the same time I remind you of the
conception of politics which you have just been defending.
It
is
necessary, you have argued, not to elaborate programs, but to define
objectives, to attain them, and to go on to what follows.
If
the point
of departure is fear for the loss of sovereignty, or dismay at the size
of the problems, then the goal is lost before starting.
One road toward federation, for example, leads through a Euro–
pean customs union, an all-European system of money, credit, and
banking, a handling of rail and truck transport, and electric power
distribution in terms of Continental economics instead of national
bias. . .. Defense against the advance of Communism (which long
ago decided
its
meaning of "federation") requires common military
and political measures. Or take Mrica, which now, with eastern
Europe and most of Asia for the time being shut off, is more than
ever necessary to the life of Europe: could not England, Belgium,
and France-the principal African powers-do better together than
alone?
It is objected, usually, that all-European measures in such fields
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