194
PARTISAN REVIEW
reduction of the home capitalists began, by a partial voluntary
abdication, along with the curbing of the masses-the capitalists
themselves seeing in this partial abdication their sole desperate
chance of avoiding the more immediate and drastic Russian pat–
tern (which it did, but as it turns out with no long-term clifference
in the process as a whole, except for the better chance it gives
individual
capitalists to integrate themselves into the new order).
The exile of Thyssen and the earlier retirement of Schacht signify
the recognition by German capitalism of the error in the original
hope that Nazism was the savior of German capitalism, the under–
standing that Nazism is merely a variant pattern in the liquidation
of capitalism.
As in the case of Russia, so with Germany, the third part of
the managerial problem-the contest for dominance with other
sections of managerial society-remains for the future. First had
to come the death blow that assured the toppling of the capitalist
world order, which meant above all the destruction of the founda–
tions of the British Empire (the keystone of the capitalist world
order) both directly and through the smashing of the European
political structure which was a necessary prop of the Empire. This
is the basic explanation of the Nazi-Soviet Pact, which is not intel–
ligible on other grounds. The future conflict between Germany
and Russia will be a managerial conflict proper; prior t.o the great
world-managerial battles, the end of the capitalist order must be
assured. The belief that Nazism is "decadent capitalism" (which
is besides
prima facie
implausible in that not Nazi Germany but
France and England have displayed all the characteristics which
have distinguished decadent cultures in past historical transitions)
makes it impossible to explain reasonably the Nazi-Soviet Pact.
From this belief followed the always-expected war between Ger–
many and Russia, not the actual war to the death between Germany
and the British Empire. The war between Germany and Russia is
one of the managerial wars of the future, not of the anti-capitalist
wars of yesterday and today.
In the United States, by virtue of relative geographical isola–
tion and enormous resources, the revolution lags somewhat behind,
but is already well enough advanced to indicate the same general
direction and outcome. New Dealism, both in its practical meas–
ures and in its ideology, can now be seen to be a managerial move-
