RON CAPSHAW
445
tanilla ga ined hi s respect-he had "been on the barricades"; the literary
Left had not. Hemingway's dislike of Stalin and FOR, and his libertarian
view of government, was traceab le to a distinct strain of ana rchi sm in his
political makeup. In a
1932
letter, he defined his political philosophy
with the sta tement "teari ng down is more important than building up. "
He disliked FOR, Sta lin, and the Russians headquartered at Gaylords for
the same reason he later denounced HUAC, Joseph McCarthy, the FBI,
and Batista: they were in charge. The drowned veterans of Key West and
the front-line Loyalist so ldiers were not. Like a true anarchist, he
denounced whoever was in power, be they Left or Right.
T he myth of the
1930S
Hemingway dies hard.
It
is comfortable for
biographers, conjuring up the same rapid-fire images as the Hemingway
legend of other decades. But the reality is more complicated. Heming–
way and the Popular Front were at odds from the beginning because of
their divergent a lleg iances . Hemingway's allegiance was to non–
propagandistic literature, to those who had been through combat, to
anarchism. The Popular Front's a ll egiance, despite futile rescue efforts
by revisionist historians, was to the foreign policy maneuvers of
Moscow. In the
1930S,
revolution became fashionable for the Left; it
was on ly a coincidence that the Popular Front and Hemingway sup–
ported the same revolution in Spain.
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