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the most interesting intellectual developments of post-Cold War Europe.
Keane also fails to provide a deep analysis of Havel's relentless champi–
onship of Euro-Atlantic values in the face of the lack of enthusiasm for
this approach among many of his fellow politicians and even former dis–
sidents. For Havel postcommunism remains a cultural and philosophical
battlefield plagued with agonizing choices. His commitment to the
defense of Reason against waves of collectivistic or individualistic fun–
damentalisms is exemplary and should not be sardonically dismissed as
metaphysical utopianism. The tragedy in Havel's existence, if there is
one, bears upon his understanding of the immense threats to genuine
human freedom and the decision to oppose them. But isn't the test of the
true political man this assumption of responsibility in times of often
maddening choices and uncertain outcomes? No matter how one judges
some of Havel's more controversial actions, he has been the most suc–
cessful postcommunist leader. To accuse him of a presidentialist propen–
sity, as Keane does, is a misreading of both his style and belief system.
The most disappointing, indeed irritating, chapter of Keane's book is
the last one. Gloomily prophetic, it claims to be a kind of ultimate judg–
ment of Havel's human and political defeat. The events related to the
disease he has suffered in recent years, Havel's struggle with the angel of
death, are described as symptomatic of alleged narcissistic, neurotic,
and arrogant behavior. Hollow and platitudinous phrases abound in
what turns out to be a distasteful imagining of Havel's imminent funeral
ceremony. For Keane this solemn event, broadcast by global TV net–
works and attended by the potentates of the day, would be the climax
of Havel's search for the establishment of a "crowned republic." Once
again, the author indulges in the criticism of what he sees as Havel's
main sin: the decision to remain involved in politics. Ironically, Keane
criticizes Eda Kriseova's sympathetic biography of Havel, invoking,
among other faults, her many factual errors and unmitigated idealiza–
tion of the president. But Keane, too, exaggerates, approximates, and
bases too much of what he relates on gossip, which jeopardizes the
accuracy and reliability of his work.
Meant to be a portrayal of a uniquely fascinating political and spiritual
destiny in the twentieth century, Keane's book fails to recognize precisely
the most important lesson derived from Havel's wager: that irrespective of
daunting setbacks and excruciating dilemmas, or perhaps because of
them, there is a vital need to fight for the moral rebirth of politics . This is
the central meaning of Havel's political action.
In
spite of his iconoclastic
zeal, Keane himself has to acknowledge that his fallible hero has refused
to acquiesce to the supremacy of cynicism and tbe preeminence of greed.
