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recognized it as well-founded. In fact, the unification with Germany, the
"Anschluss," occurred because Austria was invaded by the German
army. This invasion was to prevent a referendum on Austrian indepen–
dence that most likely would have rejected the "Anschluss" by a two–
thirds margin. Today it is frequently forgotten that at the time, the
Western powers still hoped to "appease" Hitler.
By defining Austria as the first victim of Nazi Germany, the
"Anschluss" was declared null and void in
1945;
having been under
German occupation, Austria was incapable of independent action
between
1938
and
1945.
This position was not taken in ill faith: among
those elected to the first postwar parliament in November of
1945, 70
percent had been inmates of concentration camps.
However, that legal position complicated the question of the com–
pensation of the victims of persecution.
If
Austria had not existed legally
between
1938
and
1945,
it also could not be held legally responsible–
as a state-for what had happened. As a consequence, there ensued a
series of compromises. But the victims of former persecution saw that
what was lacking was a moral dimension-a dimension of atonement.
All of the actions were merely legal, or at best humanitarian. That-and
not primarily the amount of payments-is what makes the crucial dif–
ference to what was done by Germany.
According to much of the prevailing international opinion, Austria
failed to deal adequately with its Nazi past, while Germany went
through a period of intense soul-searching. Here too, the theory of Aus–
tria as Hitler's first victim complicates things; it is not easy to grasp that
one can very well have been a victim at the same time as having been
a-often all-too-willing-part and partner in perpetrating some of the
world's most heinous crimes.
This issue has been on the intellectual agenda ever since
1945.
In fact,
a good part of Austria's remarkable postwar literature deals with noth–
ing else. Few school students had never visited the concentration camp
of Mauthausen; this part of the past was also at the core of political
education in Austria's secondary schools. Austrian historians have made
this their preferred field of research. Public monuments commemorate
the victims-the most prominent one stands in a public square right
behind Vienna's opera house.
Therefore, foreign criticism does not touch upon the real issue. Aus–
tria has not refused to deal with its Nazi past, but segments of Austrian
society have refused to do so, and their refusal has remained unchal–
lenged. This segment of society has belittled the sufferings inflicted upon
innocent victims, has perceived the deeds of Hitler as nothing worse or
