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continentalism. Aron understands the ideological roots of the con–
flict, found in Soviet imperialism's aim to liquidate the democratic
West. As long as this commitment to the inevitable destruction of
the West remains the basic agenda as well as the telos of Marxism–
Leninism, all notions of accommodation must be tempered by a dual
realism: the dangers of nuclear conflict (which require appropriate
technical responses) and the threats to Western survival (which re–
quire appropriate ideological responses). But it remains problematic
that "the day the Soviets have the same right to read, write, criticize,
and travel as Western nationals, the competition will have become
truly peaceful." Even if such rights are granted, and the Soviet
Union seems to be moving in that direction, the likelihood of peace
breaking out is slender. For different interests often preempt similar
ideologies. Here Aron's attempt at synthesis comes to a screeching
halt.
But this is to draw attention to the weakest aspect of Aron's
legacy. He is a political moralist par excellence.
It
is simply ex–
hilarating to read Aron on the distinction between a philosophy of
history and a theology of history in "Three Forms of Historical In–
telligibility"; the role of the conduct of warfare, apart from the
origins of a conflict or the diplomacy of a peace treaty, in producing
the most far-reaching social consequences as in "The Intelligibility of
History"; and the plurality of meanings and motives in real history
in contrast to the monism of meaning in fanaticism disguised as the
inevitable future, as in the great essay, "On False Historical Con–
sciousness ."
Even the essays on presumably sociological themes gathered in
the fourth and sixth segments primarily are extensions of Aron's
historical concerns rather than empirical research. Thus, in "Science
and Consciousness of Society" Aron makes clear the distinction be–
tween fairness and objectivity, criticism and dogmatism, individual
heroism and collective suicide. Throughout, the examples of Soviet
history and Marxist historiography are sharply drawn. Moreover,
the chapter, "Social Class, Political Class, Ruling Class" instructs us
with scalpel-like precision and, quite properly, on the ambiguity of
categories and the pluralities of meanings in real world contexts.
And in the final segment, "Max Weber and Modern Social Science"
we are told of the relativity of benefits and injuries, the richness of
total history in contrast to the poverty of national chauvinism, the
need for rationality in a universe dominated by irrational impulses.
It is to Aron's credit that he sees the weaknesses in Weber's relativ-
