PRAGUE
At the end of August, when Russian tanks applied a power–
ful brake to Czechoslovakia's efforts to create a really humane system
of democratic socialism, the attention of the world focused once again
on that territory on which for centuries the small Czech nation has
been buffeted by stronger and more powerful neighbors. The courage,
high ethical standards and level of intelligence of the country, and
particularly of its youth, were applauded.
But the world's interest waned when it became clear that the new
Czech situation wasn't going to cause a world war, or lead to a new
economic crisis. The little news that still appears is read with less and
less interest. Possibly that's why only a very few seem to have noticed
that the Czech struggle recently entered a new phase.
On Sunday, November 17, 1968 - a day which ought to be com–
memorated by students all over the world as International Students'
Day, in honor of the nine Czech student leaders executed twenty-nine
years ago by the German occupation forces, and the thousands of others
dragged off to concentration camps from their closed universities - one
of the most decisive plenary meetings of the Communist Party's Central
Committee was held. The press reported that the authority of Alexander
Dubcek, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist
Party, had been substantially restricted, that power was passing into the
hands of centralists and that even Prime Minister Cernik and President
Svoboda, two of the popular "foursome," had indicated they were willing
to take up a more pro-Soviet position. The following day headlines
announced the "End of Dubcek Era," and speculation was rampant
- would Dubcek remain at his post or resign, whom will the Russians
want to install next and where, what will happen in a month, a year,
five years.
