20b
CHARLES
v.
HAMILTON
He does not discuss the burgeoning organizations of black teachers (the
Chicago group is known as the Association of Afro-American Educators)
around the country who are developing a sense of Black Consciousness
and meeting and talking and planning ways they can be relevant to the
education of black children in the ghettos. He does not discuss the all–
day session of black middle-class professionals (approximately 371) who
met on January 20, 1968, in a South Side Chicago church (accountants,
teachers, social workers, lawyers, doctors, etc.) to map ways they can
bring their skills to bear on the development of the black community.
And he does not mention how these various groups and people "tune
in" to the language of Stokely Carmichael and the book Carmichael
wrote on
Black Power
with this writer. Duberman does not mention
these things because he and a lot of other white ghetto-watchers are
probably not aware of these phenomena. They see only the overt activity.
But everything that happens does not take place in front of white report–
ers, television cameras (neither newspaper reporters nor TV networks
were invited or present at the two meetings described above) and at mass,
open rallies. Blacks are meeting in their own private black caucuses
and taking care of business. Thus, when some of us see white journalists
and social scientists pontificating about Black Power, we conclude that
they are still operating where they have been for ever so many years
vis-a.-vis the black community - from a vantage point of incomplete
information.
If
Duberman knew of many of the things taking place,
he would probably not raise some of the meaningless questions he raises
in his article.
Likewise, he
~,ccuses
Black Power advocates of being rather oblivious
to historical centralizing trends in the country. This is not true! Wnat
many (keep in mind, he already admitted the diversity of Black Power
opinions) of us who style ourselves as Black Power advocates see is
that we have both centralization and decentralization taking place.
We have no intention of trying to stem the flow of centralism; but at
the same time we recognize the need to come to terms with the broad–
ened base of sociopolitical participation at the local level. We propose
to create new viable structures which will link centralization with
decentralization. These new structures (which some of us see as necessary
for drifting, valueless middle-class whites as well as for blacks) will estab–
lish legitimacy, restore trust and overcome alienatioo. Only in this way
will the centralized institutions of decision-making have meaning, will
the cities stop blowing up. Black people cannot afford, nor do they need
to engage in, the pessimism of some whites. (Note, Duberman: "The two
[big government and big corporations], in happy tandem, are moving
the country still further along the road to oligopoly, militarism, economic
