538
          
        
        
          
            BAYARD RUSTIN
          
        
        
          article, Lynd takes pains to distinguish between violent and nonviolent
        
        
          revolution. But I would submit that the problems raised by some of
        
        
          the current thinking in pacifist and New Left circles can best be dealt
        
        
          with in terms of Nonviolence and Democracy.
        
        
          Militant civil rights activists have in recent times become con·
        
        
          scious that seeds of elitism are embedded in forms of nonviolent direct
        
        
          action (depending, as they do, on courage, experience, willingnes.!
        
        
          to endure suffering and other personal qualities more likely to be found
        
        
          in the dedicated few than the sympathetic many). They have recog–
        
        
          nized that this danger can be balanced or diminished only to the extent
        
        
          that mass action-involving large numbers of people performing a
        
        
          variety of
        
        
          tasks
        
        
          requiring various talents at varying levels of intensity
        
        
          -is encouraged and brought into existence. This recognition is largely
        
        
          responsible for the "Movement's" increased emphasis on economic
        
        
          problems and political action.
        
        
          The issue which now confronts us, and which Lynd has helped
        
        
          to crystallize, is: what are the structural or procedural arrangements
        
        
          by which the will of the rank and file is expressed; and what is the
        
        
          relationship between the rank and file and the leadership? Does rank
        
        
          and file decision-making power result merely from voluntary rejec–
        
        
          tions of power by the leadership, by gestures of anonymity or abdica–
        
        
          tion?-in which case the effective participation of the masses hinges
        
        
          on the whims or personality traits of the leaders. Or is that power
        
        
          guaranteed a priori by those structures, procedures and devices which,
        
        
          however modified to meet specific circumstances, generally go by the
        
        
          name of "representative democracy."
        
        
          We need to be discussing the precise nature of these guarantees–
        
        
          which ones are essential and indispensable to a definition of democracy
        
        
          and which are merely historical or accidental to a particular era,
        
        
          culture or system. Inescapably such a discussion must,
        
        
          if
        
        
          it is not to
        
        
          become scholastic, strike contrasts among existing social systems and
        
        
          the ideologies that justify them. It is precisely
        
        
          this
        
        
          kind of discussion
        
        
          which creates among too many new radicals a nervous irritation erupt–
        
        
          ing in the charge of "red-baiting."
        
        
          I am trying to suggest that there is a problem of elitism on the
        
        
          New Left, that it is manifest in its internal life as well as
        
        
          in
        
        
          its
        
        
          conceptions about society at large, and that the internal and external
        
        
          aspects of the problem are connected. The problem cannot be dermed