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PARTISAN REVIEW
of the French Union, and the shortage of funds for modernizing the
French economy. As a result, it has provided an uncertain rallying
ground for all the forces who hanker after neutralism. Conversely, it
made it impossible last June for Mendes-France to form a government,
despite the profound impression caused by his "inaugural" address, which
preceded the adverse vote by less than forty-eight hours. For on the
issue of holding out in Indo-China he had most of the Gaullists, as
well as a large number of wavering Center deputies, against him, while
the Socialists rallied to his support. Only the Communists and a few
others openly voted against him; the issue was decided by the fact that
a large number of Deputies abstained. Thus the breakthrough on the
part of the younger elements in
all
the non-Communist groups failed
to come off, but two facts stayed in the memory of the older parlia–
mentarians and showed them the need for action: the margin of de–
feat had been extremely narrow; and secondly, the parliamentary leaders
who threw their weight against Mendes-France had been abandoned
by large numbers of their own followers, chiefly the younger and more
independent ones. Even the Gaullists split, and a substantial minority of
this profoundly nationalist party rallied to the man whom the nco–
fascist weeklies,
Rivar.ol
and
Aspects de France,
tirelessly denounced
for the triple crime of being a Jew, a leader of the Left, and a Resistance
figure under Petain. To make things even, some of the leaders of his
own Radical Party very deliberately and artistically knifed him in the
back. But this traditional maneuver somehow failed to have the usual
effect. The "system" had been badly shaken, and not only from the
Left: before Mendes-France got his chance to confront the Assembly
with an "all-or-nothing" program of action, the liveliest of France's
elder statesmen, the 74-year-old Reynaud, had told the shocked Depu–
ties that France was in danger of becoming "the sick man of Europe,"
and that "more reforms are needed than was the case in 1789." After
that no genuine "return to normal" was possible, though the deadlock
lasted another month until the amiable Laniel had managed to include
both Reynaud and Faure in his Cabinet. And promptly thereafter came
the strike wave and then, in part stimulated by the eruption from be–
low, the spate of reforming decrees from above.
If
no more than a beginning, all this amounts at least to something
like a
crise de conscience.
But for Indo-China, the essential break–
through on the home front might by now have occurred, and Indo–
China seems to be petering out, or at least becoming less of a burden.
Once relieved of this millstone the French can at long last tackle their