230
PARTISAN REVIEW
miseria"
cease to be universally regarded as necessary. Some of these
conditions are being recognized as having been caused by the will of
men-men who once were thought to be qualitatively different, who
lived forever outside of
"la miseria"
and therefore outside the conscious–
ness of its citizens; of men who are now on a level with themselves, that
is, a level of quantitative comparison. This new kind of awareness
marks the passage from a static, hierarchic society to a dynamic one
of
social polarization, from an acceptance of the historical elements
as
necessary parts of the objective environment to a transfer of these
elements into the subjective field: the peasant begins to see that among
the causes of
"la miseria"
are the interests of men who are not essen–
tially different from himself and certainly not outside of his own field
of action. As he accepts, thus, the possibility of eventually overcoming
the human causes of
"la miseria"
he begins to participate in the making
of history.
.
But what is the nature of this new awareness? Must it take on
the form of group consciousness, whether of the nation or of a class?
In other words, will it find its final formulation in a new fascism, in
the theory of a have-not nation in a world of mighty empires, or in
Communism, the identification of the citizens of
"la miseria"
with the
world-proletariat and its struggle against capitalist exploitation? Or
is
there a chance for an individual form of consciousness, for self-restraint
(in the place of the weakened traditional cultural restraints), for cooper–
ative effort on the part of free individuals to solve their own problem?
Despite the recent gains of the neo-Fascist party in southern Italy
it is not likely that the new awareness will find its ultimate satisfaction
in Fascist nationalism. Even in Mussolini's time the peasants showed
little liking for the Fascist regime. Not only did their cold realism
detect the fantastic character of its various enterprises; they also recog–
nized in its leaders the allies of their local overlords. Communist gains,
on the other hand, have to be taken much more seriously. In many
situations, it is true, the people exhibit toward the parties-including
the Communist party-the same attitude of skeptical expectancy which
they have shown for centuries toward all who came to them bringing
offers of friendship and assistance; it is also true that in most local
elections what counts is still the feuds and alliances of families, the
petty struggles of spite and influence.
But so far as larger issues are concerned, like land reform, the
right to organize, the system of taxation, the Communist party has
acquired considerable importance. To a great extent this is due to the
inability (or unwillingness) of a government which, ultimately, is con-
