Diana Tri lling
A COMMUNIST AND HIS IDEALS
In discussing the myths of totalitarianism this evening
l
it is my
intention to stay with that form of totalitarianism which most of us know
best-the totalitarianism of the left-and to touch on the totalitarianism
of the right only in passing. The Communists believe, of course, that
there is but a single totalitarianism-fascism-and that we are all of us in
imminent danger of its triumph. I think you will agree with me that
this is a false picture of the American situation. Certainly it is a false
picture of the section of American society with which most of us in this
room are familiar. I myself have never met a fascist. I have known
conservatives and reactionaries, but I have never met a single individual
who could properly be called a totalitarian of the right. On the other
hand, I have known, and known fairly well, not only every shade of
liberal and radical opinion but their perversion-Stalinism. And I
think this is the case with most of you.
I would describe the section of society which gives us so one-sided
an experience as the intellectual middle class, except that the tenn is
neither accurate nor comfortable. It is preferable, I think, to refer to
ourselves as the "idealistic" middle class--especially if we would wish
to include, with us, those people with whom we feel a certain economic
or vocational connection, but little political agreement. For the term
idealistic middle class not only takes into account an idealism that does
not
think. It also properly emphasizes the common denominator between
all the various and conflicting kinds of minds that are directed to social
progress. What constitutes our inevitable kinship both with our thinking
friends of the left
and
our unthinking enemies of the left is, surely, the
fact that we all, in some measure, take our political preferences from
the impulse of idealism.
By idealism we mean the dedication to goals beyond self-interest.
No fascist was ever dedicated to goals beyond self-interest. The fascist
may be dedicated to something apparently larger than merely his own
personal advantage-some advantage, say, to his nation or class. Even
1.
This paper was delivered at a symposium on the subject "Myth and Free–
dom," sponsored by the American Committee for Cultural Freedom, New York,
May 1951. Further discussion of the political and psychological bases of the
Communist myth will appear in subsequent issues of
PRo
