ROME LETTER
307
As for the rest, the Graziani show derives a certain sociological
interest from the fact that Graziani's is a sort of climax of the line of
defense taken consistently, and without exception, by all those Italians,
from the King to the lowest henchman, who got actively involved in
the business of fascism. Namely: first, that it was all the other fellow's
fault, while they themselves literally didn't know what they were doing,
and couldn't do anything else anyway, hence they can't very well be
held responsible; secondly, that things being as bad as they were, they
did what they could to make them a little better by dispensing special
favors to a number of people.
The funny thing is that there is some (Italian) sense in this non–
sense. It's a real apotheosis of the popular notion of the
brava persona.
On the public level, Mussolini, Ciano, Graziani
&
Co. looked like bastards
and fools, let's admit it. But that was not quite
them,
it was the Reason
of State and the Interest of the Nation. In March, 1937, for example,
Graziani, the Viceroy ordered all priests, soothsayers and peddlers in
Ethiopia executed as dangerous conspirators. That was in the interest
of the Nation, and in accordance with the customary privileges of
th~
Reason of State. As a person, however, Graziani also distributed gen–
erous alms to all poor people in Addis Ababa. "Those people adored
me," he told the judges. Shouldn't he get any credit at all for that?
Fascist leaders made a bad mistake in fooling around with History
at the exact moment when History was swelling with heretofore un–
suspected forces. That's true. But, above all, they had no luck, poor
wretches. "It's easy to indict me now, because I have lost," said Gra–
ziani, "but in 1943 the Germans still had magnificent secret weapons up
their sleeves. They could have won. And
if
they had won, I would
now be a kind of De Gaulle." To put this argument in full relief, one
has to add that Graziani has also defended himself by saying that, in
1943 he had no other thought except that of retiring to his estate in the
Abbruzzi; that he was physically forced to follow Mussolini, and didn't
care a bit either for
him
or for the Germans; that he was utterly power–
less; and, in the same breath, that he "saved Italy."
This theory of the final irresponsibility of the leader, or rather of
his right to take responsibility only for success, is typically fascist. But
also not a little Italian. It has been the underlying postulate of the
acquittal of all the important fascists brought to trial in Italy.
If
Graziani
is not acquitted, it will be because in following Mussolini he unequivocally
forswore his oath of allegiance to the King, a legal point that can't be
gotten around.
Croce notwhithstanding, Italians don't believe at all in Hegel's
