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vinced
him
that these tactical differences were central instead of
marginal. Philosophical differences, too, seemed more important in the
midst of the general ideological reaction. Lenin became increasingly
worried about the tactical bloc "neutral on philosophy."
Bogdanov, Bazarov, and Lunacharsky chose that particular
moment to join hands with the Mensheviks, Yushkevich and Val–
entinov, and other writers, in the publication of a symposium on
philosophy. The last straw was the title they chose for their book:
Outlines of the Philosophy of .Marxism!
If
at least they had not
invoked the name of Marx to cover-.as Lenin complained to Gorky
-"their smuggling of the contraband of neo-Kantianism or Mach–
ism." The articles made him "simply mad with indignation ... Today
I read one Empiriocriticist and scold like a fishwife; tomorrow an–
other and curse like a trooper."
Gorky became alarmed for the unity of the faction and urged
Lenin to restrain himself. The Petersburg Committee, sensing that
Lenin was preparing to use the philosophical controversy as a weapon
in the sharpening struggle over tactics, also voted to urge restraint in
order to avoid a split.
Once a party man has become convinced that a certain theory
is decidedly wrong and harmful [Lenin answered], then he is in
duty bound to oppose it. ...
Plekhanov is entirely in the right against them . . . only he
doesn't know, or doesn't want to, or is too lazy to say it concretely,
completely, and simply, without frightening the public with philo–
sophical subtleties. And I shall say this in my own fashion, cost what
it may. . ..
ucost what it may!"
Yet still he hoped, or so he assured
Gorky, that they could continue to maintain the tactical bloc while
they had it out in philosophy. But in truth the bloc itself was in a bad
way, and Lenin was slowly coming to the conclusion that a split was
necessary. In December, 1905, he had let "the Siberians and Cau–
casians" override
him
on the Duma question, because it seemed un–
important in the face of imminent armed uprising. In 1907, at the
July Conference of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks to consider elections
to the Third Duma, 14 out of 15 Bolshevik delegates (all but Lenin!)
had been for boycott and they had named Bogdanov instead of Lenin
as spokesman for the faction. All through 1908 this nagging conflict
smoldered and flared up again. The elections over, it seemed settled,
only to reappear in new forms:
otzovism
or "recallism"-the proposal
to recall the elected deputies from the Duma:
as
not sufficiently revo–
lutionary; and "ultimatism"-the proposal to present an ultimatum
