LONDON LETTER
471
support of the Jews against the Arabs, largely because it is only the
Jewish case that ever gets a hearing in England. Few English people
realize that the Palestine issue is partly a color issue and that an Indian
nationalist, for instance, would probably side with the Arabs. As to the
long-term aspects of international policy, they _are largely governed by
geography. Britain, not strong enough to compete singlehanded with
Russia or America, has three alternatives. One is to carry on as at present,
acquiescing in "spheres of interest" and holding the Empire together
as well as possible; another is to move definitely into the orbit of the
USA; and the other is to liberate India, cut the links with the Dominions,
and form a solid bloc of the western European states and their African
possessions. Various observers, including scientists, assure me that the
third alternative is technically feasable and that such a bloc could be
stronger than either the USA or the USSR. But it seems to me a pipe
dream. The centrifugal forces in both France and Britain, the two coun–
tries that would matter most, are far too strong.
In spite of the difficulties and dangers I have outlined above, the
new government starts off in a very strong position. Unless the Party
suffers a major split, Labor is secure in office for at least five years,
probably longer. Its one serious opponent, the Conservative Party, is
discredited and bankrupt of ideas. Moreover the people who are in
power this time are not a gang of easily-bribed weaklings like those of
1929. Like nearly everyone else in England, I know very little about
Attlee. Someone who does know him tells me that he is in fact the
colorless creature that he appears--one of those secondary figures who
step into a leading position because of the death or resignation of some–
body else, and hold on to it by being industrious and methodical. He
certainly has not the magnetism that a statesman needs nowadays, and
the cartoonists of the daily press are frankly puzzled to find some out–
standing characteristic (
cf.
Churchill's cigar, Chamberlain's umbrella,
Lloyd George's hair) by which they can popularize him. But the other
people in a commanding position in the government, Bevin, Morrison,
Greenwood, Cripps, Aneurin Bevan, are tougher and abler than their
opposite numbers in the Conservative Party, Churchill's tendency having
been to surround himself with yes-men. The composition of the House
has altered greatly. For the first time the bulk of the Labor Party mem–
bers are not trade union officials but come from the constituency parties.
Of the 390 Labor members, about 90 are trade union officials and about
another 40 are proletarians of one kind or another. The rest are mostly
middle-class, and include large numbt:rs of factory managers, doctors,
lawyers and journalists. The salaried and professional middle class has
now largely "gone left," and its votes were an important factor in swing–
ing the election. It is difficult to believe that this government will col–
lapse in the same ignominious way as those of 1929 and 1923. Five years
should be long enough to tide over the worst period. Heaven knows
