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much to the point. Something like this: "I am: fighting fascism be·
cause I hate tyranny in all its forms. I understand that there are
fascist states. But I understand also that there is a country called the
Soviet Union. That country is under dictatorial rule. In that coun–
try today Leo Tolstoi would be prevented from writing. In that coun–
try today a European writer is kept in prison in violation of every
right of the human person. His name is Victor Serge. I propose
that we free European intellectuals express our solidarity with the
oppressed people of the Soviet Union and demand the liberation of
Victor Serge." There was complete panic. The Stalinists hissed and
screamed, the others applauded. The wh(}le facade of the Congress
was collapsing. One obscure Soviet writer made a rabid speech t(}
the effect that Victor Serge was a Soviet citizen and nobody had a
right to · interfere with Soviet proletarian justice. But the issue had
been raised, and the official line was such that it was impossible just
to ignore the scandal. Jn small groups hastily summoned, the French
begged the Soviet delegates to try t(} d(} something about Victor Serge.
Salvemini is certainly one of the men who contributed to Serge's
liberation,
During the last three years, Salvemini has dedicated himself chiefly
to the task of showing, in connection with the Italian problem, in how
many ways British and American policies are not consistent with the
idea of a "democratic war". To examine the question whether or
not a "democratic war" was conceiva·ble or was seriously to
be
expected, or try to define in general terms the real nature of this war,
he considers not his business. He is an American citizen and a special–
ist in Italian questions, he wants to stick to his limite'd job and keep
it as limited as possible. On the one hand he wants to influence
American foreign policy in a democratic way by appealing to public
opinion and, on the other, to provide information for those Italians
ahroad who worry about their future course.
What he is really doing is telling drastic truths. As a result he
is considered an awful troublemaker and a completely uncooperative
man by conformists of all denominations. Official
sph~res
think him
"bitter"; for them, naturally, his documents are just useless and more
especially "ill-timed". Well-intentioned persons in Italian liberal
circles who would like so much to hear any argument in favor (}f some
kind of democratic compromise feel discouraged. And, at the same
time, he seems inadequate to those who would like him
t(}
draw general
conclusions and build a clear theory from the very hard truths he is so
generous in disseminating. The fact is that Salvemini is not a p(}li·
tician at all, but has been all his life and consistently remains a
political pamphleteer of that 18th century stem which has had some
good shoots in Italy too. Such as he is, Salvemini is for Italians
much more of a representative and living figure than Croce himself.
