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PARTISAN REVIEW
But the great capitalist powers for generations have been strug–
gling to develop this market, just as entrepreneurs have long been
aware of. the vast internal market for the most elementary neces–
sities of life which exists, also potentially, within the borders of
even a rich country like the United States. But the "private enter–
prise" system, i.e., the profit system, which every one is agreed is
to be retained, doesn't permit the worker-producers to be paid
enough to buy back the products of their labor. So the Asiatic
market is still largely potential; and the New Deal after 1937
finds it necessary to do its social spending on war goods exclu–
sively. Apropos the Luce-Perkins dream of Asia, it is interesting
to note that the final effort of the Chamberlain regime to turn
Hitler aside from war was the Hudson-Wohltat conversations in
August, 1939, in which Britain invited Germany to a joint ex–
p-loitation, financed by Britain, of ... China.
Wallace is being equally naive when he announces that after
the war "older nations will have the privilege to help younger
nations get started on the path to industrializalion." Older nations
have always had that privilege, and have exercised it freely-at
profits of 50% up. " There must be no imperialism," says Wal–
lace, hut he does not specify what motive, under private enterprise,
will replace the profit spur in this spreading of the blessings of
industrialization to the backward regions of the earth.
2.
The post-war world will be " policed" by tlie United
Nations.
There was considerable to-do in liberal circles when Secretary
Knox stated last fall:
"It
is the hope of the world that sea-power
for the next hundred years will reside in the hands of the two great
nations ·that now possess that power, the United States and Eng–
land." And when the White House endorsed his speech as " repre–
senting the views of the Administration."
(Uncensored,
Nov. 8,
1941) But Knox was merely a bit premature in making public
this policy.
It
had been broadly hinted at in point 8 of the Atlantic
Charter, which proposed unilateral disarmament, applying only to
"nations which threaten aggression.* And of late it has come to
be taken as a matter of course. Sumner Welles' recent speech on
war aims was evenly divided between endorsement of the Wallace
•Many papers in Germany are said to have used the Charter as
pro-war
propa·
ganda by printing its full text without comment, putting P oint 8 in bold type. It is
significant that Wilson's Fourteen Points had just the contrary effect behind the
enemy lines, playing a major role in weakening the German spirit of resistance.
