A COMMUNICATION
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dialectical approach, one which supplements the immediate empirical
analysis with some understanding of historical processes. As one who was
in France through the fall of this year, I should like to indicate my reasons
for believing that the European workingclass is already stirring and that
Hitler's "New Order" is much less stable than the common-sense "realists"
think it is.
The first reactions of the French workers to the 1940 defeat are well
known: disgust with their old leaders and parties, a certain friendliness
towards the German army because of its unexpectedly "correct" behavior,
and a sneaking admiration for the organizing talent and general efficiency
of the Germans. This soon yielded, however, as is also well known, to a
growing resentment against the ever-increasing plundering which the
Nazis had to impose on conquered France. Early in 1941, the Stalinists,
who in the first months of defeat had refrained from attacking the Ger–
mans, began to change their policy-either because they realized they
would lose all influence if they didn't, or because Stalin already foresaw
the coming clash .with the Nazis, or perhaps both. Their activities grew
tremendously, thousands were arrested, but thousands more filled up
their place.
Another factor which overcame the apathy of the early months was
the fact that the factories began to work again. Workers who had been
sitting around without any contact with their fellow workers became
"socialized" again, so to speak, and began to think in terms of collective
action and class solidarity. The younger workers were especially active.
Most of them were Stalinists-unhappily, the C.P. is, as yet, the only mass
organization now existing among the French workers-but they seemed
much less traditional-minded than the older generation of Stalinists, much
less docile towards the top bureaucracy. I have frequently heard such
young Stalinist workers discuss politics with oppositional leftwingers, even
with Trotskyists!
Some life began to appear also in the trade unions-though I don't
think
the unions will play an important part in the fight to come, illegal
activity being channelled largely through factory or party groups. Those
unions whose leadership was for outright collaboration with the Nazis lost
ost of their membership, while those which kept some independence
retained their members. Thus the metalworkers fell -to 8,000, while the
ailwaymen, pursuing an anti-collaborationist policy, still have some
50,000 members.
But the most significant single event up to the time I left was the
eral strike in the coal mines of the North, which took place at the end
of May, about the same time as the big miners' strike in Belgium. This
as not Communist-inspired, the Stalinists never having had much strength
this region. It was a spontaneous movement of the workers against the
azis, and that, too, in a district which is under much stricter military
ntrol than most of France. Despite the enormous German pressure, it
lasted
some three weeks.
