Norbert M. Samuelson
(Harold and Jean Grossman
Chair of Jewish Studies, Arizona State
University)
For JAAR, 2002
ABSTRACT
This essay reflects critically on the past twenty-five years of work in
constructive Jewish philosophy in order to propose an agenda for future
constructive Jewish philosophy in the next twenty-five years. The critical part of the essay focuses
on the reasons why Jewish philosophers can no longer function as public
intellectuals and why the field of philosophy itself can no longer serve as a
focus for Jewish philosophy. The
proposed agenda suggests that the primary topics for Jewish philosophy should
be drawn instead from the field of religion and science, with an emphasis on
the issues that physics raise for ontology, the life sciences for psychology,
and what both kinds of studies entail for constructive religious ethics.
CRITICAL REFLECTIONS ON THE VALUE
OF MODERN JEWISH PHILOSOPHY
The
1979 statement of goals of the Academy for Jewish Philosophy (AJP) was
“to enable individuals actively involved in some form of Jewish religious
life who have professional training to philosophy to think about contemporary
Jewish faith in new ways.” Everyone involved in the initial development
of the Academy for Jewish Philosophy more or less shared this vision,[1]
which presupposed that Jewish philosophy would continue to function in the
post-modern world (meaning in the context of European/American Jewish
civilization after the two world wars) in much the same way as the intellectual
historians, Harry A.Wolfson[2]
and Isaac Husik[3], had
presented it, viz., as using the skills of critical thinking, armed with the
distinctive methodological tools of formal logic , to examine the inherent
truth claims of Judaism and to reinterpret them where necessary in order to
strengthen Jewish faith and to guide it into the future. In this essay I want
first to assess this project in terms of its success and failure as well as its
conceptual soundness, and then, second, based on this assessment, to propose an
agenda for Jewish philosophy in our current century.
In
at least one respect the AJP was successful. When it began few works in Jewish philosophy were published.[4] Today there is a significant
number of new publications each year, many of which are direct outgrowths of
the regular meetings of the AJP.[5] However, these publications have
not served the purpose for which they were intended, and in those respects the
AJP has failed. These failures go
to the heart of what was wrong in the initial presupposition about the nature
of Jewish philosophy.
First,
in the past Jewish philosophers were public intellectuals who as such
influenced Jewish life. That is no
longer the case. Today public intellectuals are mass media celebrities whose
skills have little to do logic or critical thinking. Furthermore, Jews have become sufficiently integrated into
the general society that today’s Jews are no smarter than anyone else is. However, the problem, at least in the
case of Jewish intellectual life, runs deeper. The special problem, at least outside of Israel, is rabbis.
At
the time that the Academy for Jewish Philosophy began the field of Jewish
studies itself was in its infancy.
Except for Jews who grew up in traditional communities where they
received a yeshiva education, the primary source for any advanced Jewish
education was the liberal rabbinical seminaries. Hence, classes of rabbinical students were a mixture of
those committed to (in American terms) a pastoral career and those committed
primarily to study. The effect was
to raise the level of academic training for the rabbinate to a higher level
than is usually found in other professional training schools, including medicine,
dentistry, law, and pharmacy.
Furthermore, at that time the integration of Jewish studies into
regularized faculty appointments and course offerings was only beginning. Most academically oriented students in
the seminaries anticipated making their living, like their pastoral colleagues,
as pulpit rabbis.[6] One consequence was an emphasis on
preaching over other forms of rabbinical activity, and in preaching a
transformation of the medium primarily into a form of teaching. In general the growth of academic jobs
and graduate programs that train students with a specialization in Jewish
studies has had, from a purely academic perspective, a negative influence.[7] Rabbis are less academically oriented
than they used to be and, in consequence, less informed about Jewish
scholarship.
Nor
has the divorce of training in Jewish studies been entirely positive if we
focus on the benefits of this scholarship for Judaism and the Jewish
people. The seminary training and
the employment opportunities for scholars of Judaica forced scholars to apply
their academic interests to Judaism and to the Jewish people. Training in and for the secular
university freed them from this obligation. On one hand, this freedom enabled them to pursue their
studies with a degree of depth that was often difficult otherwise. On the other
hand, this freedom has resulted in scholarly products increasingly divorced
from any relevant application to either Judaism or Jewish life. As scholarly
books and papers become increasingly dependent on training in the scholarly
methodology of an academic discipline (of which philosophy is only one example)
as well as knowledge of an ever growing canon of books and papers published by
scholars, the audience for this work becomes proportionately smaller. There is
a point where the interest in professionalism so reduces the possible audience
for the scholarship that it is difficult to call the publications public
“communication” at all. At the same time we communicate with more
scholars on e-mail and over the worldwide web than we communicated with scholars
through books and journals thirty years ago. This sheer quantity in itself devalues the printed
word. Hence, since there is more
and more Judaica scholarship produced for an ever declining audience of
professional academics, and since the intellectual level of the Jewish
community and its rabbinate becomes increasingly divorced from serious Jewish
learning of any kind, it is in no sense surprising to see that Jewish
philosophers no longer function as public intellectuals.
Second,
increasingly there is no place for Jewish philosophy, not only in Jewish
intellectual life, but also in the academy itself. Today new Judaica appointments in philosophy departments are
increasingly rare. In part it has
to do with what Jewish philosophy has become, but it has even more to do with
what academic philosophy has become.
From at least the time of Descartes the primary interest has been in
epistemology, and that study has focused, at least in the English speaking
world, on the study of ideal and conventional (or, “natural”)
languages. Today that study has
moved out of philosophy departments into departments of computational sciences,
mathematics (in the case of ideal languages), and linguistics (in the case of
conventional languages).[8]
Linguistics
is not the only discipline to separate itself from philosophy and become
academically distinct.
Increasingly most of the concerns that characterized pre-twentieth
century philosophy have moved to disciplines other than philosophy, and, with
these changes, it has become increasingly unclear just what value there remains
in the formal academic study of philosophy at all. The traditional subject matter of philosophy has been the
nature of what is (ontology); the nature of what ought to be (ethics), with the
former question resting on issues in theoretical physics and the latter
question on issues of individual and collective human nature. Increasingly these subjects receive
more detailed and more rigorous treatment in departments other than philosophy
– physics (in the case of ontology) and a variety of life and social
sciences (including psychology, anthropology, sociology, and political science)
in the case of ethics.
At
the beginning of the twentieth century at least the study of logic remained
distinctively within the domain of philosophy. However, philosophy has lost its dominion within the
university on this subject matter as well. The rules of logic are not a distinct discipline; rather, it
is simply one instance among many of applied algebra and set theory. As the Russell-Whitehead formalism for
logic extended its domain beyond the restrictions imposed by the formalism of
Aristotelian logic, so the integration of logic into general mathematics has
extended the domain of the study of rational strategies for problem solving
beyond the restrictions imposed by the formalism of the Principia
Mathematica. Thinking rationally is no less central to doing philosophy
than it ever was, but the places today to master this art are departments of
mathematics, linguistics, cognitive sciences[9],
and the life sciences[10],
not departments of philosophy.
What
then is left for philosophy as such?
I have no clear answer to that question, which discredits at least one
critical assumption upon which the AJP’s statement of purpose rests. It no longer is true that the academic
study of philosophy can inform the enterprise of contemporary Jewish
philosophy.
When
the AJP began two proposals for the task of the organization were
presented. One was by Steven
Schwarzschild[11], and the
other by Steven Katz[12]
and me[13]. Schwarzschild’s understanding
grew out of the on-going tradition of continental Jewish philosophy, from
Hermann Cohen through Franz Rosenzweig and Emmanuel Levinas. In contrast, Katz and I argued that
Jewish philosophy should use the tools of general analytic philosophy in order
to rethink and reformulate all of the traditional religious issues of Judaism
as well as the new kinds of questions that arise from Jewish secularism. The errors underlying my position and
Katz’s have already been discussed, and it is not surprising, in the
light of those errors, that (at least in his published writings) Katz ceased to
function as a philosopher and became instead an intellectual historian, while I
in effect turned away from analytic philosophy to join the program that
Schwarzschild advanced.
What
both Katz and I missed is that the term “philosophy,” as it is used
in the contemporary thought of the past century, is significantly different
from how the term was used in the past, and we uncritically assumed that by
attempting to do Jewish philosophy now in the way that philosophy is now done,
both on the continent and in the English speaking world, we were essentially
doing philosophy in the way that the medieval Jewish philosophers did it. We were wrong, because what our
ancestors meant by philosophy is not what philosophy means today.
As
late as the nineteenth century there was no clear separation between the work
of theoretical scientists and philosophers. Mathematically rooted scientists such as Isaac Newton called
themselves as well as their contemporaries “natural philosophers.”[14]
Today we would distinguish Spinoza’s work in optics, which we would call
“science,” from his work in the Ethics, which we would call
“philosophy.” Spinoza
himself made no such distinction.
Both were part of his “natural philosophy.”
For
medieval Jewish philosophers – as for their Muslim and Christian
counterparts – nature, known through empirical observation, was only one
foundational source for philosophy; the other was revelation. Jewish philosophers looked to both,
empirical nature and divine revelation, for the premises from which they
logically deduced all they could deduce, as lovers of wisdom, about truth.[15] Katz and I wanted to continue to do
Jewish philosophy as they did. However, the kind of thinking that our
predecessors did in pursuit of wisdom no longer could find its home in
departments of philosophy, and our error was to think that it could. In effect, what modern philosophers are
is the continuation of the honorable tradition of medieval grammarians, not
philosophers, but we aspired to follow in the footsteps of the Jewish natural
philosophers, and not those of the grammarians.
The
questions upon which the classical Jewish philosophers focused were what is the
world, what is God, what does it mean to be human, how do we know how to answer
these questions, and to what do our answers obligate us – ontology,
theology, psychology, epistemology, and ethics. These subjects were not independent, for what passed then as
knowledge was sufficiently simple that someone could actually be a
“natural philosopher.”
Today, primarily because of the complexity of the task, no one can claim
that title. However, it is not the
case that the questions then asked are no longer pursued. It is just that they are not pursued in
philosophy departments. To study
ontology as it was conceived is to study theoretical physics and cosmology; to
study psychology on their terms is to study the life sciences in general, for today
there is no “scientific” knowledge of what it means to be human
that does not in some significant sense integrate the disciplines of
paleoanthropology, genetic biology, and experimental psychology. Similarly to study epistemology
involves a comparable integration of the relatively discrete disciplines of
physical psychology, artificial intelligence, and the other cognitive
sciences.
What
was once the study of the philosophy of religion is now the emerging
interdisciplinary study of science and religion. Hence, to do Jewish philosophy today is to focus on the
intellectual intersection between what we learn from Jewish texts and what we
learn, not from philosophy per se, but from the sciences. It is a field in which Christian
thinkers are now just beginning to focus,[16]
but, to my knowledge, it has not (at least yet) attracted the attention of
serious thinkers who are convinced that only a believable Judaism can demand
allegiance, and a believable Judaism cannot remain divorced from the insights
of modern science.
AN AGENDA FOR CONSTRUCTIVE JEWISH PHILOSOPHY
A
constructive contemporary Jewish philosophy that is coherent with what Jewish
philosophy was in the past ought to be a serious critical study of the
interface of the general consequences for understanding the world, the human,
and the divine from contemporary empirical sciences with the tradition of
Jewish texts, from the Hebrew Scriptures through modern Jewish thought. The goal is to formulate reasonable
judgments about the viability of Judaism that are believable and have moral
merit. This scholarly activity
requires knowledge of relevant texts out of the religious history of the Jewish
people as well as familiarity with the claims of contemporary sciences and the
ways by which those claims are derived.
In accord with this understanding of the discipline, let me now propose
an agenda for the field. The
agenda presupposes that Judaism has foundational beliefs concerning the origin
and general nature of the universe, as well as the nature of humanity in
relationship to other citizens of the universe. The first belief is about ontology and falls within the
domain of molecular and cosmological physics. The second belief is about psychology and falls within the
domain of the life sciences. Both beliefs
entail judgments about ethics.
Ontology and Creation
Pre-modern
Jewish philosophy interpreted Judaism’s affirmation that the universe was
created by God with the ontological categories of Platonic and Aristotelian
natural philosophies. It posited a
world in which existence was positive and divided into substances and their
attributes. It also drew a sharp
line of separation between what is material and spiritual, and the spiritual
was judged to be inherently better than the material. On this model space and time were nothing and what is
nothing is not real. The
presupposed ontological categories in contemporary physics are significantly
different. It posits a universe of
fields of space and time, occupied by very small particles, whose motions and
interrelations are determined by sets of forces, also situated within the
spatial-temporal fields.
Substances are said to exist; they are the simple particles and their
compounds. However, attributes as
such do not exist, for what they express are reducible to quantitative
judgments about the relationships among particles. No sharp line can be drawn
between any positive things that exist, since, without real qualitative
distinctions, all difference must be explained in quantitative terms. However, there are sharp distinctions
drawn between fields and forces on one hand and particles and their compounds
on the other. Only the latter are
things; the former are not. This
distinction is a distinction between substances and processes. Some philosophers think the substances
are real and the processes merely describe what the substances do; other
philosophers think only the processes are real and the substances are only
conceptual expressions of states of the processes. However, most physicists tend not to think in these
terms. They instead discuss
whether or not particles are discrete entities or continuous waves or
both. The issue of the scientists
is not unrelated the philosophical question about substances and
processes. I personally, in the
light of quantum mechanics, am more inclined to see the universe in terms of
processes. In any case, few
physicists find any ground in their science for dividing the universe into
domains of the material and the spiritual, and for maintaining that moral
values are exemplified in physical existence. In the universe of physics there are forces, energy, mass,
and motion, all translatable into each other, and none of which match what had
been called matter and spirit.
Furthermore, the laws that govern these actions are quantitative, and,
as such, are non-moral. Whatever
are the grounds for moral judgments, they cannot be found in the physical
universe.
On
this model our universe, which may be only one of many, began a finite number
of years ago at a point of pure energy of infinite temperature and infinite
density that has been consistently expanding ever since. Differentiation of this initial energy
into different forms of being – from particles to constellations -- is a
consequence of this expansion. The
laws that govern this differentiation are purely quantitative. They are instantiations of equations in
calculus that express temporal rates of change in space, whose variables
involve numerical expressions of density and temperature, whose only other
relevant factor is a certain degree of sheer statistically-expressed chance in
every state of affairs that ever was, is, or will be. Contemporary physics describes a universe that was created
only in one sense; its origin is in time; but it is not created in any other,
religiously interesting sense, for it is a picture of a universe devoid of any
purpose or moral value. As such,
contemporary physics posits a model for the general nature and origin of the
universe that at least challenges what Jewish philosophers can reasonably mean
by affirming that God created the world.[17]
Psychology
and Revelation
Platonic
and Aristotelian natural philosophies played no less a role in interpreting the
foundational religious concept of revelation than they did with traditional Judaism’s
conception of revelation.
Revelation was understood to be the on-going relationship between the
nation Israel and God, and what defined that relationship was the system of law
(HALACHA) which was understood to have its foundation in a posited origin in
Mosaic revelation at Sinai. No one
in the worlds of the Jewish people seriously questioned that the Torah is a
revelation from God to Israel through the prophet Moses. (In fact this commonly held belief
might be what most distinguishes modern from pre-modern Jewish intellectual
history.) As revelation the words
of the Torah were universally accepted in these worlds of Jews and their
neighbors to be true. Rather, the
issues were (a) what is their correct meaning, because only the correct meaning
is true, and (b) how authoritative is this text, for both Muslims and
Christians affirmed other texts as revealed and as more authoritative. At least insofar as this debate
involved Jews and Muslims, the critical issue was which nation had a greater
prophet (the greater the prophet, the more authoritative his revelation), and
that debate rested ultimately on mutually accepted criteria of human perfection
(the more perfectly human the prophet, the greater his epistemic reliability). It was with an eye to the criteria for
judging human perfection that the three Abrahamic faiths turned to the
psychology of the natural philosophers of their day.
Platonism
and Aristotelianism both assumed fixed, eternal species, but that assumption
did not entail, as some religious thinkers claim, that there can be no
evolution of the members of one species into another (since they all affirmed
both the possibility and the reality of substantial change). Hence, the species ‘human’
is distinct and cannot become something other than what it is; however, the
kinds of entities that now are human need not always have been so[18]
and need not always remain so.
Species were understood to be hierarchically ordered in a pyramid of
moral values in which each species was uniquely located relative to
others. Humans occupied the
highest place in the order of all immediately below the level of the different kinds of entities that the
science of the day called celestial “separate intellects” and
religious thought called “angels.” Members of species sought through their natures to become
perfect instantiations of their species, which they could in fact realize, and,
once realized, they were transformed into the lowest level members of the next
highest species. In the case of
humanity, those entities who so perfected themselves as humans bordered on
being angels. These transitional
beings, i.e., beings at the very borders separating humans from angels, were
said to be “prophets.”
Prophets then are the ideal of human perfection and that ideal is defined
by what distinguishes humanity from all lesser kinds of beings but does not
distinguish it from greater kinds of being except in excellence of
realization. With few exceptions,
all the philosophers – Jewish, Muslim, and Christian – agreed that
the defining train was rational thinking.
A
significantly different conception of what constitutes human nature emerges in
the modern life and computational sciences. What is most important to our concerns is that while most
humans seem to think in ways not shared by the members of other species, the
difference is not qualitative.
First, the experimental evidence strongly suggests that other species,
especially apes, reason, and whatever inferiority there may be in how they
reason may have more to do with their anatomies (which limit their ability to
develop a spoken language) and their environments than with any inherent
intellectual abilities. Second,
increasing man-made machines than think better than humans by any of the
criteria traditionally used to evaluate intelligence, and the possible
convergence of current experiments in robotics and genomics suggest that in the
not too remote future these machines may even be capable of self-replication
and improvement. What makes human
thinking distinctive is not any essential nature, contrary to the
Aristotelians, but rather a set of accidents of being born in certain places at
certain times. Other kinds of
beings than humans had no less possibility of becoming rational and in
different circumstances humans need not have been rational. What marks all species as being the
kinds of things that they are is their history, not their nature.
The
relevant history of humanity is the story of evolution told by
paleoanthropologists and genetic psychologists. About twelve million years ago a movement of the
earth’s crest divided East from West Africa. From this time on the apes of these two regions have a
different genetic history. Our
distant ancestors lived in the forests of East Africa where they survived
primarily on the fruit they found in trees. Nine million years later another shift in the earth’s
crest changes the forests of East Africa into grasslands where fruit was scarce
and animals were plentiful. Then
and there species to survive had to learn how to hunt and to avoid being
hunted. In consequence of these
two geological accidents some kinds of East African apes evolved a number of
specific physical traits that distinguish them from the other descendants of
their more remote ancestors. In
terms of vision they became able to distinguish distinct objects at distinct
spatial locations. Furthermore,
they came to be able to stand erect, grew larger brains relative to body size,
developed jaws that enabled them to form sounds into languages, evolved males
who were distinctively larger (if not smarter) than the female members of the
species, hunted and lived increasingly in societies, used and improved tools,
and eventually even produced art.
The assumption of evolutionary theory is that all of these changes are
causally connected and in some significant way they can be understood to serve
the purpose of species survival.
Just what the assumed causal relations are is more debatable within the
sciences themselves. Some scholars
associate bipedalism with the first stage of the above story as a consequence
of swinging through trees in search of fruit while other scholars locate this
development later with the advantage of being able to look above the grasses to
spot predators at a distance.
Darwin claimed that bipedalism, enlarged brains, and technology
developed simultaneously, and it is the conjunction of these three
characteristics that define the human species. Some scientists still agree with Darwin, but many others do
not, and locate the development of these three abilities (standing erect,
rational thought, and using tools) in significantly different branches of
evolution at extremely different periods of time, all of which shows how
tenuous the epistemic claims of paleoanthropology are at least relative to the
conclusions of the physicists and cosmologists considered above with reference
to creation.
The
tenuous epistemic authority of the best-reasoned conclusions in different
sciences is an important factor in judging their authority for rethinking
traditional religious doctrines.
Claims that in one discipline would at best be considered only
intelligent guesses are based on evidence that in a different discipline could
constitute a claim of knowledge.
How certain the evidence for a claim need be to be called
“knowledge” is relative to how certain the evidence can in
principle be for the discipline in question. Obviously not even physics can aspire to the degree of
certainty that is possible in mathematics, but physics has in fact and in
principle a firmer foundation for making truth claims (its subject matter is
relatively simple and its data is reasonably constant and accessible for study)
than does paleoanthropology.
However, that does not mean that a religious philosopher may simply
dismiss the claims of evolutionary psychologists altogether. On the contrary, what they claim has
relatively more epistemic authority than any other academic discipline that
studies the nature and origin of the human. Still, on the other hand, that they should be listened to
need not mean that they should be believed. Here the reasonably desired relation between science and
religion is far more tenuous than it is in the case of informed opinions about
the nature and origin of the universe in both science and in religion.
What
kinds of issues are there when Jewish philosophers attempt to correlate the
claims of the modern life sciences with the claims of traditional Judaism about
revelation and human nature? They
are not the same for Judaism and Christianity. So far Christian oriented studies in science and religion
have given primary attention to the apparent conflicts between so-called
literal readings of Genesis and the claims of evolutionary psychology and
genetic biologists. From the
perspective of Jewish philosophy this issue is bogus. First, Jewish philosophy has never assumed that what the
Hebrew Scriptures mean is what they literally say. Second, even read literally, these revered texts do not say
what so-called Christian “creationists” say that they mean. Even the judgment that all life forms
share a common genetic origin and shared procreational purpose is not in itself
problematic. After all, Genesis
does say that every life form on the earth is formed from the earth, including
the human, and every one of these creations share in common God’s first
commandment – to be fruitful and multiply. Whatever it is that is distinctive about the human being,
which enables him to claim to be created “in the image of God,” it
is not that he/she is beyond his/her shared purpose of creation out of his/her
shared physical constitution as earth.
Rather, the real issues that arise from
taking evolution and genetics seriously have to do with ethics. Let me now briefly list what some of
them are. (1) Jewish philosophy
has long associated the power of speech with intelligence[19]
and has seen both as constituting human distinctiveness. Furthermore, it has associated
excellence with respect to both as a human ideal that defines human virtue,
human happiness, and the highest expressions of service to God. Both evolution and genetics, for the
reasons summarized above, call into question this kind of ethics. Reasoning is not unique to human
beings. Furthermore, it is not
even clear, at least from the perspective of evolution, how valuable it
is. For example, if the good is to
be judged by what best promotes species survival, the value of rational
thinking is far from obvious. A
virus, for example, seems far more adaptable to survival than is a human, and
there is nothing about viral adaptation that suggests conscious thought is
involved. Minimally, reasoning out
solutions to life threatening situations is far too cumbersome to be
affective. When faced with danger
there just is not sufficient time to think out what is best to do. In at least this respect, viz. speed,
the way man-made machines calculate and solve problems is vastly superior to
what humans can do with their limited brains.
(2)
Are there any moral lessons that can be validly drawn from the conclusions that
scientists base on their data? In
principle the scientists themselves say no, but what happens in practice does
not always agree with this principle.
The different stories that evolutionary psychologists and biologists
tell of human history suggest that there is a central purpose to the existence
of every species, including the human, and that purpose is to propagate. In at least the human case, this
primary goal requires differentiation in gender. Men and women are not created equal. Because of the size of the human brain,
human children must be born too immature to survive on their own, and require
constant care, preferably by the female, for the first two years of their
lives. That means that for a
period of close to three years every female bearing a child must remain
relatively sedentary. Differences
in the size of humanoid genders have their source in this goal. Men hunt and women raise families, from
which it follows that men are most suited to compete outside of the family unit
for the survival of the unit, and women are most suited to remain within the
family unit to spread collective information. Does this ancient gender differentiation still make moral
sense in our age of technological advancement in which labor outside the
family, including fighting wars against “predators”, has more to do
with sharing information (the
natural talent of the female) than it does with physical aggression (the
natural talent of the male)? Now
there are all kinds of legitimate questions that can, and should, be asked
about the soundness of this picture of human history, not the least of which is
the legitimacy of characterizing humanoid genealogy in terms of purposeful
direction. However, these are not
the questions I want to raise here.
Let
us assume, for the sake of the argument, that biological functions can be
understood as determiners of goal-directed nature and those goals, because they
define a life form’s nature, entail moral judgments. If the primary natural
directive to the human species is to perpetuate the species, and efficiency in
this task requires gender differentiation, is it morally wrong to insist at the
political level on gender equality?
It
could be argued, even granting these debatable premises, that gender equality
is morally correct on the following grounds: Equality is not an absolute
principle; whether or not it is applicable to any specific subset of humans
depends on the nature of the functions that define the subset. Hence, for example, discrimination on
the grounds of height is morally proper in the case of basketball players, but
it is not proper in the case of accountants. In a less technologically advanced age, when warfare
depended primarily on physical strength, speed, and agility, discrimination on
grounds of gender made moral sense in the military, but today, when warfare is
primarily a matter of using mechanized weapons guided by information systems,
gender differentiation is immoral.
Similarly, it can be argued that given current advancements in the
technology of conceiving and nurturing human offspring, gender differentiation
no longer has the moral force that it once had. That women have loved women and men have loved men is not
new in human history, and in most of at least the non-Abrahamic religious
civilizations there has been no moral objection to same sex love. However, there have been objections to
same sex marriage because marriage served the primary purpose of offering the
most advantageous social institution for producing viable offspring, which
required intercourse between a male and a female. However, today the technology exists for children can be
produced without heterosexual intercourse and this technology is constantly
improving. Hence, while it made
considerable sense in the past, it no longer makes moral sense to prohibit same
sex marriage. To enforce such a
prohibition is “sexism” and sexism is no less morally wrong than is
“racism,” both of which are guilty of making social differentiation
in societies where that the differentiation is irrelevant.
Cannot
the same be said about discrimination today on the basis of age? Are not programs of forced retirement,
for example, based solely on chronology, guilty of “agism,” which
is as immoral as “sexism” and “racism” for precisely
the same reasons, viz. a discrimination is made on grounds that have no real
relevance to the activities that define the social subset to which it is
applied? If the answer is yes,
then clearly forced retirement based solely on chronology – as it is
practiced in most academic institutions outside of the United States – is
morally wrong. The only difference
is that young adults, eager to find the meaning that the work place today can
provide, not for money to enjoy leisure, but for life fulfillment itself, while
able to recognize other forms of discrimination fail (for their own selfish
reasons I suspect) to recognize this now growing (thanks to the practical
health sciences) form of discrimination.
Today we have every reason to believe that people now in their forties
and fifties will live into their nineties and they will be as healthy in their
seventies and eighties as were their grandparents in their thirties and
forties. They will be, that is, as
long as they are not forced to retire, for retirement itself has become a
killer.
Without
question health and longevity raise a serious social-moral problem about equal
opportunity between generations.
If the old are going to insist on living and being healthy, what room is
there for the young to live an equally rewarding life? If, for example, senior academics are
going to insist on training students, what room is there for the students to
train students of their own? The
problem is real, but the proposed solution is immoral, and therefore no
solution.
In
the days before, in between, and after the two world wars the American labor
movement systematically excluded from its ranks blacks and women in order to
guarantee jobs for their white male membership. They also fought to close off any opportunity of immigration
to America despite the life threats that this exclusion entailed for many of
these immigrants, especially Jews.
Organized labor’s primary intent, to enable American white males
to work, was right, but that right in no way made right its discrimination
which in the end had the effect of discrediting, especially but not
exclusively, the moral authority of the labor movement. As far as I can see this is the same
situation today for the class of adults in western society below the age of
forced retirements. However, there
is one important difference, which makes ageism more foolish than either the
racism or sexism of the past. No
white male who discriminated against a woman or a black needed to fear becoming
some day a female or a black.
However, every defender of forced retirement on the sole basis of
chronology will within a very short time reach the dreaded age limit of legally
defined unnaturally determined seniority.
Of
course the issue is more complicated than this. For example, in most work places salaries and benefits
increase with seniority, while expenses decline. It is not obvious on any system of distributive justice that
70-year-old employees should be paid more than their 30-year-old colleagues are
if the only functionally relevant distinction between them is their age. Clearly a way should be found to
rectify this injustice, but forcing the older employees out of their
“livelihood” is not a moral solution.
These
are problems that did not exist fifty years ago. I believe they will become in the next generations a major
focus of social discrimination, and, as such, they should become now an
important question in Jewish philosophy.
REFERENCES
Bland, Kalman 2000 The
Artless Jew: Medieval and Modern Affirmations of the Visual Princeton:
Princeton University Press
Bleich, David J. 1983 With
Perfect Faith New York: Ktav
Borowitz, Eugene B. 1991 Renewing
the Covenant Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society
Borowitz, Eugene B. 1999 Judaism
After Modernity Lanham, MD: University Press of America
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Newman, Lewis E. 1995 Contemporary
Jewish Ethics and Morality London: Oxford University Press
Fox, Marvin 1990 Interpreting
Maimonides Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press
Frank, Daniel H. and
Leaman, Oliver (eds.) 1997 The
Routledge History of Jewish Philosophy London/New York: Routledge
Frank, Daniel H. 1993 Autonomy
and Judaism: The Individual and the Community in Jewish Philosophical Thought
Albany: State University of New York Press
Gibbs, Robert 1992 Correlations
in Rosenzweig and Levinas Princeton: Princeton University Press
Goodman, Lenn E. 1996 God
of Abraham New York: Oxford University Press
Husik, Isaac 1918 A
History of Mediaeval Jewish Philosophy. New York: Macmillan
Kellner, Menachem M. 1990 Pursuit of the Ideal:
The Jewish Writings of Steven Schwarzschild Albany: State University Press
of New York
Kochen, Lionel 1990 Jews,
Idols, and Messiahs: The Challenge from History Oxford/Cambridge: Basil
Blackwell
Levy, Ze’ev 1987 Between
Yafeth and Shem: On the Relationship of Jewish and General Philosophy New
York: Peter Lang
Levy, Ze’ev 1989 Jewish
Aspects of Spinoza’s Philosophy New York: Peter Lang
Maimonides, Moses Guide Guide of the
Perplexed Shlomo Pines English
translation. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1963.
Maimonides, Moses MT Mishneh
Torah: Hilchot Yesodei Hatorah
English translation by Eliyahu Touger. New York/Jerusalem:
Moznaim Publishing. Vol. 1
Novak, David 1983 The Image of the
Non-Jew in Judaism New York/Toronto: Edwin Mellon Press
Novak, David 1995 The Election of Israel:
The Idea of the Chosen People Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Novak, David 1998 Natural Law in Judaism
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Novak, David 2000 Covenantal Rights: A
Study in Jewish Political Theory Princeton: Princeton University Press
Ochs, Peter 2000 Reviewing
the Covenant Albany: State University of New York Press
Pinker, Steven 1997 How the Mind Works
New York/London: W. W. Norton and Company
Samuelson, Norbert M.
and Novak, David (eds.) 1987 Studies
in Jewish Philosophy: Collected Essays of the Academy for Jewish Philosophy,
1980-1985 Lanham, MD: University Press of America
Samuelson, Norbert M. 1986 Creation and the End of
Days Lanham, MD: University Press of America
Samuelson, Norbert M. 1987 Studies in Jewish
Philosophy: Collected Essays of
the Academy for Jewish Philosophy, 1980-1985. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.
Samuelson, Norbert M. 1992 The First Seven Days: A
Philosophical Commentary on the Creation of Genesis Atlanta: University of
South Florida
Samuelson, Norbert M. 1994 Judaism and the
Doctrine of Creation Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Samuelson, Norbert M.
and Novak, David. 1987 Studies
in Jewish Philosophy: Collected Essays of the Academy for Jewish Philosophy,
1980-1985 (Lanham, MD: University Press of America
Seeskin, Kenneth 1990 Jewish
Philosophy in a Secular Age Albany: State Universities of New York Press
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for the Distant God: The Legacy of Maimonides New York/Oxford: Oxford
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at Rest: A Biography of Isaac Newton.
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Critique of Aristotle.
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NOTES
[1] The list of fellows in the early years of the
Academy included Jacob Agus, David Bleich, Eugene Borowitz, Joseph P. Cohen, Seymour Feldman, Marvin Fox,
Martin Golding, Bernard Goldstein, Arthur Hyman, Alfred
Ivry, Steven Katz, Menachem Kellner, Barry Kogan, Daniel J. Lasker, Emmanuel Levinas, Ze’ev
Levy, Bernard Martin, David Novak, Steven Schwarzschild, Kenneth Seeskin, and
Michael Wyschogrod.
[2] Especially the way he does Jewish philosophy in Crescas’
Critique of Aristotle (1929).
[3] Especially the kind of textual canon and the
selection of topics he establishes for Jewish philosophy in A History of
Mediaeval Jewish Philosophy (1918).
[4] At the time Schocken was one of the only
publishers producing new volumes and its interest was limited to modern
classics of the beginning of the century, notably the works of Buber and
Heschel. An important exception to
this generalization was Indiana University Press who was committed to
publishing the constructive work of Emil Fackenheim.
[5] Among the publications in Jewish philosophy that
reflect (directly or indirectly) the influence of the Academy are the
following: David J. Bleich, Eugene
B. Borowitz (1991 and 1999),
Elliot N. Dorff and Lewis E. Newman, Marvin Fox, Daniel H. Frank (1993), Daniel H. Frank with
Oliver Leaman (1997), Robert Gibbs, Lenn E. Goodman, Menachem M.
Kellner, Ze’ev Levy (1987 and 1989), David Novak (1983, 1995,
1998, and 2000), Peter Ochs (1990 and 2000), Norbert M. Samuelson (1986, 1992, 1994), Norbert
M. Samuelson and David Novak, , and Kenneth Seeskin (1990 and 2000). That a significant number of these
books were published by S.U.N.Y. is creditable to Kenneth Seeskin’s
service as this publisher’s editor for Jewish philosophy.
[6] Other options were teaching in the seminaries
themselves, or at Jewish colleges (such as Spertus in Chicago or Gratz in
Philadelphia), or (what was most frequent) becoming a Hillel director.
[7] Of course this is not the only factor of change
in the nature of the liberal rabbinate.
These rabbis once derived their authority in a congregation of first
generation American Jews as purveyors of general culture. As such, even with limited knowledge of
Jewish texts, the rabbis functioned as community leaders and the sermons were a
central medium for them to express that leadership. Sermons required knowledge, and the study of philosophy was
judged to contribute to that knowledge, or at least so the teaching of Jewish
philosophy was justified by some of the faculty who taught at either HUC or
JTS. Now the congregants have at
least as good (often a better) general education than the rabbi. Consequently the role of the rabbi as a
community leader has declined and the rabbi functions more as a
“servant” of the community, i.e. he serves as an administrator
and/or a counselor, than as a leader.
(It is of interest to note that women, who traditionally – at
least in North America – have worked in “helping” professions
– teaching, social work, counseling, etc. – are accepted into the
liberal rabbinate precisely at the time that the role of the rabbi is being
transformed from a leader to a helper, i.e. a servant, of the community.
[8] I have in mind here primarily, but not
exclusively, the work of Noam Chomsky and his disciples at MIT in the 1960s.
[9] I have in mind here primarily scholars who do
theoretical studies on artificial intelligence in relationship to computer and
informational technologies, such as Michael Arbib (University of Southern
California), Anne Foerst (MIT), Arno Penzias (Bell Labs), Brian Cantwell Smith
(Indiana University), and Henry S. Thompson (University of Edinburgh).
[10] I
have in mind here primarily evolutionary psychology. For example, Steven Pinker presents an integrated overview
of biology and psychology that leads directly to traditional philosophic
judgments about the nature of the world (ontology) no less than about human
knowledge (epistemology).
[11] “An Agenda for Jewish Philosophy in the
1980’s”, in Norbert M. Samuelson (ed.). (1987: 101-125).
[12] “Jewish Philosophy in the 1980’s: A
Diagnosis and Prescription” in Norbert M. Samuelson, ibid. Pp.
61-100.
[13] “Issues for Jewish Philosophy: Jewish
Philosophy in the 1980’s” in Norbert M. Samuelson, ibid.
Pp.43-59.
[14] More precisely, in the final revisions of his Philosophiae
Naturalis Principia Mathematica Newton called his physics “experimental
philosophy” in contrast to the philosophy of Leibniz that he called
“experimental.”
(Westfall: 779) Similar
examples can be found in the writings of Spinoza and Leibniz.
[15] A pure example of natural theology, here
understood as a correlation of propositional deductions from empirical
observation and revealed texts, is Maimonides’ MT, especially in chapter
four, paragraph twelve, where he makes the fulfillment of the commandment to
fear God dependent on knowledge of astronomy and cosmology.
[16] Among the figures of the Christian pioneers in
this field, the name of Ian Barbour stands out. Other major thinkers in this work are Philip Hefner at the
Lutheran Theological Seminary of Chicago, Robert Russell at the Graduate
Theological Union in Berkeley, and Ursula Goodenough at Washington University
in St. Louis. John
Polkinghorne’s many publications on physics and theology are a model for
publication in Jewish philosophical theology, not only because of his profound
knowledge of both modern physics and Protestant theoloogy, but because of the
clarity of his language and thought as well.
[17] This
analysis is based on the conclusions of Samuelson (1994).
[18] For the midrash speaks of more kinds of
descendants from Adam than just those who survived the flood (in which it would
be more proper to call “humans” (i.e., the biological descendants
of ADAM) “Noahites” (i.e., the biological descendents of Noah).
[19] For example, in Maimonides Guide II: 41 and 45,
especially with reference to the eleventh degree of prophecy, Maimonides
identifies vision as the highest sense activity associated with prophecy. Furthermore, in Guide I: 4 he
identifies “vision” as the sense generally associated
metaphorically with intellection.
There are some contemporary Jewish intellectual historians who share
this judgment. For example, in
Lionel Kochen. However, other,
more recent, scholars argue against assuming a general value primacy for
hearing over seeing, notably Kalman Bland (2000).