British
White Paper of June 1922
The
Secretary of State for the Colonies has given renewed consideration to the
existing political situation in Palestine, with a very earnest desire to arrive
at a settlement of the outstanding questions which have given rise to
uncertainty and unrest among certain sections of the population. After
consultation with the High Commissioner for Palestine [Sir Herbert Samuel] the
following statement has been drawn up. It summarizes the essential parts of the
correspondence that has already taken place between the Secretary of State and
a delegation from the Moslem Christian Society of Palestine, which has been for
some time in England, and it states the further conclusions which have since
been reached.
The
tension which has prevailed from time to time in Palestine is mainly due to
apprehensions, which are entertained both by sections of the Arab and by
sections of the Jewish population. These apprehensions, so far as the Arabs are
concerned are partly based upon exaggerated interpretations of the meaning of the [Balfour] Declaration favouring the establishment
of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, made on behalf of His Majesty's
Government on 2nd November, 1917.
Unauthorized
statements have been made to the effect that the purpose in view is to create a
wholly Jewish Palestine. Phrases have been used such as that Palestine is to
become "as Jewish as England is English." His Majesty's Government
regard any such expectation as impracticable and have no such aim in view. Nor
have they at any time contemplated, as appears to be feared by the Arab delegation,
the disappearance or the subordination of the Arabic population, language, or
culture in Palestine. They would draw attention to the fact that the terms of
the Declaration referred to do not contemplate that Palestine as a whole should
be converted into a Jewish National Home, but that such a Home should be
founded ‘in Palestine.’ In this connection it has been observed
with satisfaction that at a meeting of the Zionist Congress, the supreme
governing body of the Zionist Organization, held at Carlsbad in September,
1921, a resolution was passed expressing as the official statement of Zionist
aims "the determination of the Jewish people to live with the Arab people
on terms of unity and mutual respect, and together with them to make the common
home into a flourishing community, the upbuilding of which may assure to each
of its peoples an undisturbed national development."
It
is also necessary to point out that the Zionist Commission in Palestine, now
termed the Palestine Zionist Executive, has not desired to possess, and does
not possess, any share in the general administration of the country. Nor does
the special position assigned to the Zionist Organization in Article IV of the
Draft Mandate for Palestine imply any such functions. That special position
relates to the measures to be taken in Palestine affecting the Jewish
population, and contemplates that the organization may assist in the general
development of the country, but does not entitle it to share in any degree in
its government.
Further,
it is contemplated that the status of all citizens of Palestine in the eyes of
the law shall be Palestinian, and it has never been intended that they, or any
section of them, should possess any other juridical status. So far as the
Jewish population of Palestine are concerned it appears that some among them
are apprehensive that His Majesty's Government may depart from the policy
embodied in the Declaration
of 1917. It is
necessary, therefore, once more to affirm that these fears are unfounded, and
that that Declaration, re affirmed by the Conference of the Principle Allied
Powers at San Remo and again in the Treaty of Sevres, is not susceptible of
change.
During
the last two or three generations the Jews have recreated in Palestine a
community, now numbering 80,000, of whom about one fourth are farmers or
workers upon the land. This community has its own political organs; an elected
assembly for the direction of its domestic concerns; elected councils in the
towns; and an organization for the control of its schools. It has its elected
Chief Rabbinate and Rabbinical Council for the direction of its religious
affairs. Its business is conducted in Hebrew as a vernacular language, and a
Hebrew Press serves its needs. It has its distinctive intellectual life and
displays considerable economic activity. This community, then, with its town
and country population, its political, religious, and social organizations, its
own language, its own customs, its own life, has in fact "national"
characteristics. When it is asked what is meant by the development of the
Jewish National Home in Palestine, it may be answered that it is not the
imposition of a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of Palestine as a
whole, but the further development of the existing Jewish community, with the
assistance of Jews in other parts of the world, in order that it may become a
centre in which the Jewish people as a whole may take, on grounds of religion
and race, an interest and a pride. But in order that this community should have
the best prospect of free development and provide a full opportunity for the
Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential that it should know
that it is in Palestine as of right and not on the sufferance. That is the
reason why it is necessary that the existence of a Jewish National Home in
Palestine should be internationally guaranteed, and that it should be formally
recognized to rest upon ancient historic connection.
This,
then, is the interpretation which His Majesty's Government place upon the Declaration of 1917, and, so understood, the
Secretary of State is of opinion that it does not contain or imply anything
which need cause either alarm to the Arab population of Palestine or
disappointment to the Jews.
For
the fulfilment of this policy it is necessary that the Jewish community in
Palestine should be able to increase its numbers by immigration. This
immigration cannot be so great in volume as to exceed whatever may be the
economic capacity of the country at the time to absorb new arrivals. It is
essential to ensure that the immigrants should not be a burden upon the people
of Palestine as a whole, and that they should not deprive any section of the
present population of their employment. Hitherto the immigration has fulfilled
these conditions. The number of immigrants since the British occupation has
been about 25,000.
It
is necessary also to ensure that persons who are politically undesirable be
excluded from Palestine, and every precaution has been and will be taken by the
Administration to that end.
It
is intended that a special committee should be established in Palestine,
consisting entirely of members of the new Legislative Council elected by the
people, to confer with the administration upon matters relating to the
regulation of immigration. Should any difference of opinion arise between this
committee and the Administration, the matter will be referred to His Majesty's
Government, who will give it special consideration. In addition, under Article
81 of the draft Palestine Order in Council, any religious community or
considerable section of the population of Palestine will have a general right
to appeal, through the High Commissioner and the Secretary of State, to the
League of Nations on any matter on which they may consider that the terms of
the Mandate are not being fulfilled by the Government of Palestine.
With
reference to the Constitution which it is now intended to establish in
Palestine, the draft of which has already been published, it is desirable to
make certain points clear. In the first place, it is not the case, as has been
represented by the Arab Delegation, that during the war His Majesty's
Government gave an undertaking that an independent national government should
be at once established in Palestine. This representation mainly rests upon a
letter dated the 24th October, 1915, from Sir Henry McMahon, then His Majesty's
High Commissioner in Egypt, to the Sharif of Mecca, now King Hussein of the
Kingdom of the Hejaz. That letter is quoted as conveying the promise to the
Sherif of Mecca to recognise and support the independence of the Arabs within
the territories proposed by him. But this promise was given subject to a
reservation made in the same letter, which excluded from its scope, among other
territories, the portions of Syria lying to the west of the District of
Damascus. This reservation has always been regarded by His Majesty's Government
as covering the vilayet of Beirut and the independent Sanjak of Jerusalem. The
whole of Palestine west of the Jordan was thus excluded from Sir Henry
McMahon's pledge.
Nevertheless,
it is the intention of His Majesty's overnment to foster the establishment of a
full measure of self government in Palestine. But they are of the opinion that,
in the special circumstances of that country, this should be accomplished by
gradual stages and not suddenly. The first step was taken when, on the
institution of a Civil Administration, the nominated Advisory Council, which
now exists, was established. It was stated at the time by the High Commissioner
that this was the first step in the development of self governing institutions,
and it is now proposed to take a second step by the establishment of a
Legislative Council containing a large proportion of members elected on a wide
franchise. It was proposed in the published draft that three of the members of
this Council should be non official persons nominated by the High Commissioner,
but representations having been made in opposition to this provision, based on
cogent considerations, the Secretary of State is prepared to omit it. The
legislative Council would then consist of the High Commissioner as President
and twelve elected and ten official members. The Secretary of State is of the
opinion that before a further measure of self government is extended to
Palestine and the Assembly placed in control over the Executive, it would be
wise to allow some time to elapse. During this period the institutions of the
country will have become well established; its financial credit will be based
on firm foundations, and the Palestinian officials will have been enabled to
gain experience of sound methods of government. After a few years the situation
will be again reviewed, and if the experience of the working of the
constitution now to be established so warranted, a larger share of authority
would then be extended to the elected representatives of the people.
The
Secretary of State would point out that already the present administration has
transferred to a Supreme Council elected by the Moslem community of Palestine
the entire control of Moslem Religious endowments (Waqfs), and of the Moslem
religious Courts. To this Council the Administration has also voluntarily
restored considerable revenues derived from ancient endowments which have been
sequestrated by the Turkish Government. The Education Department is also
advised by a committee representative of all sections of the population, and
the Department of Commerce and Industry has the benefit of the co operation of
the Chambers of Commerce which have been established in the principal centres.
It is the intention of the Administration to associate in an increased degree
similar representative committees with the various Deparments of the
Government.
The
Secretary of State believes that a policy upon these lines, coupled with the
maintenance of the fullest religious liberty in Palestine and with scrupulous
regard for the rights of each community with reference to its Holy Places,
cannot but commend itself to the various sections of the population, and that
upon this basis may be built up that a spirit of cooperation upon which the
future progress and prosperity of the Holy Land must largely depend.
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The
Avalon Project : British White Paper of June 1922
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