September 11, 2003 © New York University. All Rights Reserved.


The Other Weapons of Mass Destruction
KRT FORUM
By Jeffrey Fields
Global Beat Syndicate
(KRT)
MONTEREY, CA – Coalition soldiers in Iraq have their hands full with a weapons problem. But it is not a problem of weapons of mass destruction. Small arms and light weapons—pistols, assault rifles, the odd rocket propelled grenade, and the like—are the problem.
The security situation has become so dangerous, with Iraqis firing on coalition troops and street crime rising, that earlier this summer the United States imposed a ban on small arms in the hands of civilians. One pistol and one assault rifle are allowed per Iraqi family for protection, but they must be kept in the home or place of business. Heavier weapons had to be turned in by June 14 and anyone in possession of such weapons after that date could face criminal charges. But because of the preexisting gun culture of Iraq and the dangerous security situation faced by ordinary citizens, only around 1,200 weapons were collected during an amnesty period that ended in June, according to the Washington Post.
It is ironic that our soldiers (and the Iraqi citizenry) are facing first-hand a dangerous situation that is widely repeated elsewhere, but which the current administration has dismissed due to its narrow and parochial focus. In many post-conflict situations, the prevalence of small arms in the hands of civilians and defeated insurgents creates instability. In fact, according to UN statistics, small arms kill at least half a million people each year, largely in war torn countries, but also in countries emerging from conflict such as Kosovo and Macedonia. In fact, small arms and light weapons have killed more people around the world than weapons of mass destruction. UN Secretary General Kofi Anan has called small arms “weapons of mass destruction in slow motion.”
But the United States has mostly been only concerned with its own gun culture when it looks at problems caused by small arms worldwide. In July 2001, the United Nations held a two-week conference on the trafficking of small arms globally, looking at ways to reduce violence due to small arms, especially in civil wars.
At the conference, the Bush administration viewed many of the draft proposals as potential infringements on the rights of Americans to bear arms. John Bolton, Undersecretary of State for International Security and Arms Control, announced that the United States would not support any agreement that put legal restrictions on small arms transfers. The administration also opposed any measures that would restrict the transfer of small arms to non-state paramilitary groups.
No doubt, there are some cases where it is desirable to arm opposition groups, especially those oppressed by illegitimate and undemocratic regimes. But the Bush administration’s objections to many of the goals of the conference are strongly influenced by our domestic gun lobby and fear of any agreements that might restrict civilian ownership of guns in the United States.
Mr. Bolton told members of the conference “The United States believes that the responsible use of firearms is a legitimate aspect of national life.” He seemed unable or unwilling to view the issue outside the framework of the U.S. constitution and American domestic interests. In sum, the U.S. stance showed scant regard for the global problem of small arms and light weapons.
The ubiquity of small arms in Iraq does not exactly parallel other post-conflict situations. A pervasive gun culture existed there before the ouster of the Saddam Hussein regime. But we should still learn from this experience. Coalition forces are experiencing what other countries emerging from conflict have experienced for decades. This has seldom been a U.S. concern—it has always been a problem “over there.”
Coalition forces face a difficult task in disarming ordinary Iraqi citizens who fear for their own safety, and must deal at the same time with well-armed guerrilla forces intent on fighting the occupying forces. When the dust eventually settles, it should be noted that no American troops were killed by weapons of mass destruction—the majority of combat-related casualties—civilian and military—will have been caused by small arms. Hopefully the experience of urban combat and the difficulty of disarming a citizenry will make U.S. policymakers more sensitive to this issue. Iraq is just one example of a post-conflict nation suffering the ravages of violence fueled by small arms.



ABOUT THE WRITER
Jeffrey Fields is a research associate at the Center for Nonproliferation Studies. He previously worked on the issue of small arms trafficking at the Program on Security and Development.

© 2000 New York University. All Rights Reserved. The Global Beat Syndicate, a service of New York University's Center for War, Peace, and the News Media, provides editors with commentary and perspective articles on critical global issues from contributors around the world. For more information, check out http://www.nyu.edu/globalbeat/syndicate/.

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