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March 3,
2003 © New York University. All Rights Reserved.
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De-fanging Iraq at the cost of half a tank
of gas
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KRT FORUM
By Jurgen Brauer
Global Beat Syndicate
(KRT)
AUGUSTA, Georgia I am an economist. We are pretty dull
and narrow-minded folks. Decisions, large or small, are made
by using a ledger book, labeling one column "costs"
and another "benefits." Assuming the same benefits
might be gained, we also mark a third column: "costs of
alternative option."
As governments and politicians do, the Bush administration keeps
only the first two columns, jointly headed "war with Iraq."
On the "benefit" side they write things like "U.S.
national security." So do I. It is understandable that
they cannot put a reliable dollar-figure to that, just as people
cannot put a dollar-figure to wearing a seatbelt (which is also
a safety issue).
But when I install a seatbelt in my car, at least I have a good
idea of what to enter on the "cost" side. For example,
I would enter not only the monetary cost but also the value
of the relative inconvenience of wearing a seatbelt. And I would
also need to consider that feeling "safe" induces
some people to drive more recklessly, which causes more injuries
and deaths.
In contrast, the Bush administration is curiously reluctant
to put down a number for "cost of war with Iraq,"
let alone to put down a number for "cost of alternatives
to war with Iraq." It is not impossible to come up with
reasonable estimates and people have done so. Depending on the
scenario, estimates range from $200 billion to $2,000 billion
but our governments tends to focus on projected budgetary
outlays as their measure of "cost."
Economists do it differently. As in the seatbelt example, we
look at all costs, budgetary and otherwise. For example, a future
oil price spike, in case of war, is a cost of war. It is not
a U.S. government budget cost, but it is a cost to our society
at large, and to our economy, and it should be entered in the
books. But even the very real government costs of occupying
Iraq and staying there for several years have not been entered
in the cost column. Put simply, the Bush administration is low-balling
the issue, and makes the claim that the benefit to be gained
national security is worth the $100 billion or
so it has put in its account books.
But is the looming war worth it if the real tab runs nearer
$2 trillion?
As an economist I will not preach to you what your opinion,
as American citizens, should be about "war" or "no
war." But I do ask that we all consider, even if the administration
does not, the total bill to be paid.
And then this "economists question": are there
cheaper ways to achieve the same objective national security?
Let us, together, fill in the third column: "costs of the
alternative option." For instance, we know that some countries,
notably Germany and France, want to continue U.N. inspections
at a somewhat accelerated and intensified pace. The Bush team
objects.
To see why I do not understand the objection, we need to run
the numbers. Currently, there are fewer than 300 inspectors
in Iraq. Suppose we flood Iraq with 50,000 inspectors, at a
cost of about $200,000 per inspector per year (a number based
on past U.N. peacekeeping missions). That will cost $10 billion
a year. The 10-year cost is therefore $100 billion (by which
time Saddam Hussein will be old and creaky). Because Germany
and France are so adamant, let us ask them to share the cost,
proportionate to their populations: Germany, 80 million people,
France, 60 million, the United States, 280 million. Russia and
China are poor, so if they and all the others make token donations
amounting collectively to the equivalent of 80 million people,
it means 500 million people will be sharing the 10-year, $100
billion cost.
That comes out to $200 per person over ten years, or $20 per
year. At current prices, that is about the cost half a tank
of gas in many countries.
Clearly, costing out the alternatives to achieve the same benefit
is an important exercise. Even if Iraq is as much of a threat
as the Bush administration believes, my alternative is not only
cheaper but will make the Germans and the French "put their
money where their mouths are" or show that they
were merely posturing.
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ABOUT THE WRITER
Jurgen Brauer is professor of economics at Augusta State University,
Augusta, Georgia.
- © 2000
New York University. All Rights Reserved. The Global Beat Syndicate,
a service of New York University's Center for War, Peace, and
the News Media, provides editors with commentary and perspective
articles on critical global issues from contributors around the
world. For more information, check out http://www.nyu.edu/globalbeat/syndicate/.
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