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February
17, 2002 © New York University. All Rights Reserved.
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Iraq and Past Lessons: Gaining Informed Public
Consent
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By Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Global Beat Syndicate
(KRT)
WASHINGTON In his masterful presentation to the UN
Security Council on February 5, Secretary of State Colin Powell
presented irrefutable evidence that Iraq is in material breach
of its obligations as spelled out in various U.N. resolutions,
including last falls resolution 1441.
As Secretary Powell amply demonstrated, Saddam Hussein is playing
"hide and seek" with U.N. inspection teams when his
responsibility is to "show and tell." Secretary Powell
had to make that case and he did so in just the right manner.
He did not exaggerate. He did not use any rhetorical flourishes.
He made the case in a straightforward and convincing manner,
and he reminded everyone that Iraq is the worlds problem,
not just that of the United States.
But I did not need his presentation to be convinced. I was convinced
long ago that Iraq is in violation of its obligations. In a
legal sense, the proof of Saddams many years of flouting
UN resolutions is clear and compelling, and is sufficient to
justify going forward with military action. And while further
U.N. Security Council backing is not legally necessary, it is
advisable.
More important, we should not go to war simply on a legal basis.
We must have a political rationale as well, with well-defined
political objectives that ensure we have as many nations with
us if and when we go to war. No one doubts our military is capable
of prosecuting the war alone, if necessary, but broad international
support is vital if we are to lessen the burden on the United
States after Saddam is gone.
Testimony before Congress indicated we are likely to have 75,000
or more armed U.S. troops in Iraq at a cost of about
$20 billion a year for at least two years after the war
to maintain stability, prevent retribution and guard the borders.
This is not a task we should undertake alone, leaving our soldiers
vulnerable as poster boys for every malcontent in the world.
Beyond bringing along our allies, we have an obligation, first
and foremost, to our men and women in uniform, and to all Americans,
to explain what we are getting into should the President decide
we must go to war. Again, this is not just with respect to the
rationale for using force to disarm Saddam of his weapons of
mass destruction, but so that the American public can know in
advance what the long-term obligations will be in that part
of the world.
Today, most Americans believe "Johnny will come marching
home again" in a matter of weeks. But Johnny is not going
to do that. We are likely to be in Iraq for a long time, and
the public is being asked to come up with more than just their
treasure in the form of tax dollars. Husbands, wives, sons and
daughters will be away for some time to come. If we expect them
to be in on what may be a hard landing, we owe it to the American
people to get them in on the takeoff.
Americans want to support their President. But if the administration
is not fully forthcoming, does not spell out the time and the
sacrifice, we are going to have real problems 18 months from
now.
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ABOUT THE WRITER
Joseph R. Biden, Jr. (D-D.E.) is the senior Democrat on the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
- © 2000
New York University. All Rights Reserved. The Global Beat Syndicate,
a service of New York University's Center for War, Peace, and
the News Media, provides editors with commentary and perspective
articles on critical global issues from contributors around the
world. For more information, check out http://www.nyu.edu/globalbeat/syndicate/.
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