PODGORICA, Montenegro -- On Sunday, a newspaper here published by the
pro-Slobodan Milosevic Social People's Party ran a cartoon showing two
men in traditional Montenegrin garb carrying umbrellas to protect themselves
from the NATO air strikes. One says to the other, "See how the West
supports our reforms?" The other responds, "Oh, it invests in
us every night, I would say."
For Montengrin president Milo Djukanovic, who has tried to implement
democratic reforms and move closer to the West since his election in 1997,
NATO's air attacks present a huge political challenge. Milosevic and his
allies attack Djukanovic on daily basis, diminishing his achievements and
mocking his attempts to build relations with the West. And with Serbia
bearing the brunt of NATO's attacks as compared to this fellow federal
unit of Yugoslavia, Montenegro's president also stands accused of betraying
his Balkan brothers and collaborating with "enemies of ours."
The NATO air strikes are bringing to a head the conflict between Belgrade
and the anti-Milosevic ruling coalition in Podgoirica. For example, the
Montenegrin government so far has refused to follow Belgrade's lead in
declaring a state of emergency, expelling foreign journalists or breaking
its ties with the United States, Britain, France or Germany.
"The policy of isolation and conflict with the international community
is not the future of our country and our people," according to a Montenegrin
government statement. Instead, Djukanovic has emphasized the importance
of continuing to build contacts and cooperation with the West.
Such views are unacceptable to the opposition Social People's party.
It accuses the Montenegrin government of betraying Serbia by not breaking
off diplomatic relations with those whom "are killing our children,
brothers and friends, destroying our people and state."
So far, the Yugoslav Army has largely stayed out of the dispute between
the two governments, but recently it has moved closer to Milosevic's position.
Shortly before the initial NATO attack, Djukanovic said his government
would ignore decisions made by the federal military leadership. Army headquarters
in Podgorica responded by making it clear they would continue to follow
orders by the military chiefs in Belgrade.
The army is now the only institution in Montenegro still under Belgrade's
control. The Djukanovic government fears that Milosevic will use the war
to diminish civilian authority in Montenegro. It may boil down to who will
govern the republic: democratically elected local officials or the army.
For the time being, there's an uneasy truce between the two factions.
The Montenegrin parliament recently adopted a compromise resolution declaring
a "state of emergency and a war status" in the republic. It also
said it would continue to work within the existing constitution. The resolution
was seen as an attempt to stabilize the political situation and prevent
a possible civil war. Many observers worry, however, that it failed to
bridge the increasingly serious gaps between the two parties.
Milosevic's backers insist the resolution allows for undisturbed movements
by the Yugolsav army in the republic. Djukanovic's bloc contends the resolution
provides for business as usual. Late last week, the government issued a
compulsory work order, designed to protect men with from being drafted
into the Yugoslav army. The army responded by creating "war courts
at the territory of the Second Army," and threatened to prosecute
anyone who refuses the draft.
Right now, the war with the West seems to be helping Milosevic's anti-democratic
forces here. If he's not forced to capitulate soon, Djukanovic and his
democratic forces will have a hard time maintaining their positions in
Montenegro.
Zeljko Ivanovic is a founder and a director of the only independent
weekly in Montenegro, Vijesti.