WASHINGTON -- The interesting convergence of foreign-policy crises,
both real (Kosovo) and potential (China), has had at least one beneficial
effect: The media are finally focusing on national security instead of
you-know-her-name.
The question of media credibility looms large over both these foreign
policy issues. Kosovo did not happen overnight. It had been building for
years, along with the general disintegration of the Yugoslavian federal
state, and has been at flash point for months.
But media interest, with the exception of reported Serb atrocities
against the Kosovo Albanians (interestingly, not Albanian atrocities against
the Serbs) has been next to the nothing. Perhaps this is because Yugoslavia,
with its many ethnic groups and breakaway states, presents such a daunting
challenge for reporters and editors raised in an era when many students
couldn't even find Europe on a map.
Or perhaps it's because the media, when roused to finally cover Balkan
events, still finds it more convenient to follow the official line, which
has run the gamut from ludicrous to perfidious to schizophrenic.
Little wonder, then, that most Americans, and even many members of
Congress, find themselves asking: "Just what are our interests in
the Balkans?"
That the Clinton administration and its soul mates in Britain's Labor
government have a problem articulating those interests, other than stopping
the slaughter, is one thing. But their willingness to launch air strikes
against a sovereign state, even if it's not much of one, is quite another.
Already the media are beginning to look for parallels between Yugoslavia
and Vietnam. They're finding quite a few.
Yet, the largely free ride that the administration has received so
far to pursue a policy of a military involvement may mean that it may
already be too late for anything but such comparisons. Questionable policies
can only develop in an information vacuum. If Kosovo leads to an extended
American military presence in a second Balkan theater, the media must share
some responsibility for letting this vacuum exist in the first place. A
more welcome development is the media's reaction to reports that China,
allegedly in part by spying at U.S. weapons facilities, has turned itself
into an emerging nuclear superpower, capable of threatening our allies
in Asia and possibly the U.S. as well.
The thought of Los Angeles being incinerated and concerns about a Chinese
military buildup has been enough to unleash thorough and credible coverage
on front pages and evening newscasts. American editors still know a story
when they see one. What reporters are discovering is a disturbing pattern
of ostrich-like behavior on the part of the Clinton administration concerning
China's nuclear buildup. Along with the nuclear activity in North Korea,
India and Pakistan, and questions about Chinese helping rogue states develop
weapons of mass destruction, it's been enough to keep the issue going,
leading to recent disclosures by the nation's premier media outlets that
the secrets within America's nuclear labs were about as water-tight as
a sieve.
Much more reporting remains to be done before Americans will know how
seriously American security has been breached. After the initial rounds
of disclosure, officials and commentators who discount the danger are now
using the media to present their counter arguments. But it's a refreshing
discourse, unlike , until just very recently, the mostly one-sided media
treatment that has passed as coverage of the Balkans.
Should American soldiers be put in harm's way in the Balkans and a
quagmire develops, the media will rightly demand: "What went wrong?"
A skeptic might retort: "What took you so long to ask?"
James Hill is a manager with the Center for Media and Public Policy
at The Heritage Foundation in Washington..