Middle East
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- House International Relations Committee Developments
In The Middle East
- Assistant Secretary Of State For Near Eastern Affairs Martin S. Indyk
- July 29, 1998
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- As always, it's a pleasure to have an opportunity to discuss Middle
East issues with the committee. In the nearly five months since we last
met, a lot has happened in the Middle East, not much of it good. One thing
has not changed however, and that is the vital importance of our interests
in the Middle East.
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- Before turning to the body of my remarks, I wanted to take a few moments
to reiterate our revulsion and sorrow at the murder of three Sister of
Charity nuns in Hodeida, Yemen. The Yemeni government has likewise condemned
this terrible act, expressed its condolences directly to the sisters, provided
assistance in the repatriation of the sisters' remains and stepped up protection
of Christian sites in Yemen. The suspect is in custody and has been identified
as a person with extremist tendencies. First reports suggest that he acted
alone, although the investigation continues.
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- In contrast to the responsible actions of the government of Yemen in
this horrible incident, the government of Iran this week appears to have
executed a person of the Baha'i faith. We strongly condemn this action
by the Iranian judiciary which runs directly counter to Iranian President
Khatami's commitments to freedom and the rule of law. We note that there
are some seven other Iranians of the Baha'i faith in detention in Iran
and urge the government of Iran to avoid any repetition of the use of capital
punishment against people of faith. We will be following this matter closely
and are urging other governments engaged in dialogue with the government
of Iran to express their concerns directly.
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- Introduction
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- Unfortunately Mr. chairman, too many innocent people are dying in the
Middle East. That is one of the reasons that we continue to vigorously
pursue a just, lasting, comprehensive and secure peace in the Middle East.
Last week we reached a new stage in our efforts to achieve agreement between
Israel and the Palestinian authority on the package of ideas we have presented
to both parties aimed at restarting the final status negotiations. Israelis
and Palestinians have now agreed to discuss directly Israeli refinements
to our ideas. We are in constant touch with both sides, but believe that
it is essential for them to resolve these issues directly. As soon as they
do so, we stand ready to involve ourselves directly in an effort to bring
this dragged-out effort to a successful conclusion as quickly as possible.
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- Iraq under the brutal rule of Saddam Hussein continues to be a potential
source of instability in the region, but recent revelations about his continued
deceit concerning his weapons of mass destruction program have reinforced
our argument that Iraq is far from complying with the Security Council
resolutions and have helped counter pressure to lift sanctions. Meanwhile,,
the expanded UN program to ensure that the basic humanitarian needs of
the Iraqi people are being met is in place and the situation of the Iraqi
people is continuing to improve. Using money appropriated by this Congress,
we have also developed a program of overt support for the Iraqi opposition
designed to make it more politically effective and to assist in the efforts
to document Saddam's war crimes.
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- On Iran, the Secretary has laid out a process that, through a series
of parallel steps, by both governments, could eventually lead to a more
normal relationship with this key regional country. The reaction in Iran
to the Secretary's remarks was predictably mixed, given the ongoing, intense
political debate in Iran, but this approach does offer a way forward, if
the government of Iran is prepared to respond. Meanwhile, people-to-people
exchanges continue.
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- Last week, Iran test-launched the Shahab-III, a medium range ballistic
missile, heralding a new and potentially threatening development in the
regional arms race. Although not unexpected, this missile test underscores
the urgency of our efforts to shut off the flow of technology to Iran's
WMD and missile programs and the importance of helping our friends in the
region develop defenses against this emerging threat, even while we seek
to encourage moderation in Iran's international behavior.
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- As the tenth anniversary of the bombing of Pan Am 103 approaches in
December of this year, we have also been preoccupied in recent months with
the question of how to bring to justice the Libyan terrorists responsible.
We are discussing with the UK and the Netherlands the possibility of conducting
a trial of the two suspects in a Scottish court in the Netherlands. I should
emphasize that the President has made no decision on this and will not
consider the matter until we are satisfied that the large number of complex
legal issues have been sorted out. I want to be very clear on one point,
however. The UNSC resolutions call for the suspects to be tried in an American
or Scottish court. We are exploring the establishment of a Scottish court
in a third country venue. A Scottish court means a panel of Scottish judges,
applying Scottish legal procedures and Scottish rules of evidence. It does
not mean a world court proceeding and it does not mean an international
panel of judges. Our bottom line remains simple: we seek justice for the
189 American victims of Pan Am 103 and their families. Any arrangements
agreed to will have to lead to this objective or demonstrate clearly to
the world that Qadhafi has no intention of ever delivering the suspects,
thereby helping to strengthen the UN sanctions against Libya.
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- I would now like to discuss these developments and other issues in
greater detail.
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- MEPP
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- First on the peace process, it is useful to remember the fundamental
premise that the parties own this process, not us. If it is to succeed,
the parties must once again learn to work directly together, without having
their own perceptions and needs filtered through the U.S. This is especially
important because over the past 18 months the parties have lost the ability
to deal with each other directly. If they cannot resolve their differences
on these issues, how are they going to resolve the extremely complex and
sensitive issues involved in the final status negotiations that will resume
as soon as we achieve agreement on our ideas? That is one of the reasons
we have insisted that the parties get together in the current phase of
negotiations. In our judgment, the only way to re-establish a relationship
of trust and confidence is to work on the gaps in their positions together.
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- It is not at all certain that the current phase in which the parties
are talking about Israeli refinements to the ideas we presented will succeed.
The gaps have narrowed significantly but the clock is ticking on the interim
agreement. It will expire in less than ten months. Already Palestinians
are discussing a unilateral declaration of statehood and Israelis are warning
that any such move will provoke annexation of territories in the West Bank.
These developments would have disastrous consequences. It is therefore
imperative that the parties come to an agreement now that would restore
confidence and credibility to their partnership, lead to parallel implementation
of their obligations under the interim agreement and create a conducive
environment for final status negotiations.
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- While the spotlight has been on the floundering Palestinian track in
the peace process, it has been impossible to make progress on any other
track. This does not detract prom the critical importance of resuming negotiations
between Israel and Syria and Lebanon. This is not just because of our commitment
to comprehensive peace, but also because of the strategic interest we have
in bringing Syria into the circle of peace. Recent visits to Washington
by the Lebanese Prime Minister and the Syrian Foreign Minister have enabled
the Secretary of State to engage in detailed discussions about how to resume
negotiations on these two tracks. As soon as we have agreement on the Palestinian
track we will undertake an effort to get these negotiations under way again.
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- In this context, a potentially positive development is the Israeli
government's announcement of its readiness to implement UN Security Council
resolution 425 which calls for withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon.
We believe it is important to implement Security Council resolutions and
we have long sought an independent Lebanon free of all foreign forces.
We therefore welcome the Israeli decision. We recognize that, as a practical
matter, there would have to be some kind of understandings to facilitate
Israeli withdrawal and the security of the Israel-Lebanon border in its
aftermath. Resolution 426 specifically outlines a role for the UN Secretary
General in the implementation of resolution 425. We note that Kofi Annan
has been in touch with all the concerned parties and we urge him to continue
this process of consultations.
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- Iraq
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- Turning to Iraq, we are no less determined to prevent Saddam Hussein
from ever again being in a position to threaten his neighbors and our interests
than we are to achieve a comprehensive Middle East peace. Indeed, containing
the threats to regional stability goes hand in hand with our efforts to
promote peace in this volatile region. We are doing this by working to
maintain international support for sanctions against the Saddam Hussein
regime until it complies fully with all relevant Security Council resolutions.
Frankly, given Saddam Hussein's track record, we do not believe this is
likely to occur. For in the period since we last met, UNSCOM has uncovered
additional concrete evidence of Saddam Hussein's deliberate concealment
of his WMD programs. And until and unless he comes clean with full and
complete disclosures -- as required by the Security Council resolutions,
the Council cannot contemplate lifting sanctions.
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- For our part, I want to be clear: given Saddam Hussein's track record,
we cannot and will not abide a situation where he is free to spend fifteen
billion dollars of oil revenues on efforts to reconstitute his ability
to threaten the region again. That would constitute an unacceptable threat
to our vital interests.
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- From this basic judgment, there flow two obvious points: first, Saddam
should leave power. The United States has long expressed its interest in
dealing with a successor government in Baghdad, particularly one that is
democratic in character and wants to use Iraq's tremendous natural resources
for the benefit of its people, rather than to threaten its neighbors. To
move toward this objective, we have laid out a plan to use the funds earmarked
by Congress to aid the democratic opposition to Saddam: we will encourage
a united opposition with the shared goals of fostering a pluralistic, post-dictatorship
Iraq that is secure in its borders, at peace with itself and its neighbors
and in voluntary compliance with UN resolutions.
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- In the first instance, this money will go to developing the opposition's
basic organizational skills and encouraging coalitions within the opposition.
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- We are also offering assistance to facilitate the collection and organization
of the evidence of Saddam's war crimes. There is a huge amount of documentation
available on this subject and many in the opposition are anxious to put
it together with the objective of seeking Saddam's indictment before an
international tribunal.
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- We will assist the opposition in calling for the enforcement of US
resolutions, such as the human rights provisions of 688 and the equitable
distribution of food and other humanitarian goods under the oil for food
program.
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- We will also be projecting the opposition message into Iraq through
the operations of Radio Free Iraq. Regrettably, none of these efforts are
short-term projects, but it is very important to demonstrate that there
is a viable Iraqi alternative to Saddam Hussein's brutal and destructive
regime.
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- The second point which flows from our judgment that Saddam is unlikely
to comply with the UNSC resolutions is that sanctions are likely to remain
in place for the foreseeable future. Since these sanctions are aimed at
the Iraqi regime and not the Iraqi people, it is imperative that the international
community find effective ways to meet the needs of the Iraqi people. For
this reason, we supported the significant expansion of the UN's oil for
food program, including the reconstruction of enough of Iraq's oil infrastructure
to enable Iraq to export the maximum amount of oil allowed under Security
Council resolutions. The good news is that this program is working and
will continue to improve the lot of the Iraqi people until the burden of
Saddam's rule is lifted from them.
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- In fact, my principal deputy has just returned from Northern Iraq where
he saw and heard first hand that the program is working. Many of the people
with whom he spoke commented that they were receiving more of the benefits
of their country's wealth now than they would if Saddam were to regain
control of Iraq's revenue. They were understandably interested in seeing
the sanctions remain in place and "oil for food" continue.
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- Saddam has complained that this program is a way to avoid lifting sanctions
-- not surprisingly he has twisted the truth that this program is designed
to ensure that he and his regime are denied, to the extent possible, the
means they want to enrich themselves and feed their illegitimate ambitions
while providing Iraqis what they need to survive the depredations of their
unchosen ruler. Sanctions and oil for food are two ways of working toward
the same objective: an Iraq able to resume its rightful place in the international
community as a unified state at peace with its neighbors and playing the
positive role its geographic location, resources and dynamic people would
allow it to do.
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- Iran
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- Iraq's neighbor to the east is a country in transition. In electing
Muhammad Khatami president last year and apparently continuing to support
him enthusiastically, the Iranian people, particularly the youth, have
made clear their desire for change. It is not clear, however, how quickly
the people's will will be achieved. Conservative forces opposed to change
continue to control key organs of power in the Iranian government and remain
a formidable impediment to the reforms President Khatami seeks to pursue.
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- The Secretary of State, in her recent address to the Asia society,
has made clear that we would like to see the change that the Iranian people
are demanding come about. And while there are areas of Iranian policy of
significant concern to us, we can envisage that within a framework of parallel
steps taken on a mutual and reciprocal basis, it should be possible to
build trust and confidence and overcome misunderstanding and in this way
develop a road map to improved relations.
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- For our part, we continue to be prepared for an official dialogue with
the Iranian government. Recent Iranian actions such as the flight testing
of a medium range ballistic missile and the deplorable hanging of an Iranian
citizen of the Baha'i faith indicate that we would have much to talk about.
Of course, Iran has said publicly that it too has issues of concern and
we would be prepared to discuss those as well.
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- Recent Iranian actions in such areas as narcotics control, the situation
in Afghanistan and in relations with its Arab neighbors across the gulf,
have demonstrated that Iran can, when it chooses to do so, exert positive
influence in its region. But its development of weapons of mass destruction
and delivery systems, as well as its continued support for terrorist organizations,
remind us of Iran's potential to threaten our interests and those of our
allies in the region.
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- For these reasons, US sanctions on Iran remain in place and we are
working with other countries to retard and delay the development of Iran's
weapons of mass destruction program. We have recently had some success
with Russia in this area and will continue to work for improved cooperation
in denying Iran WMD and missile technology. In light of recent developments,
this effort takes on new urgency.
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- Libya
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- Turning to the subject where we have recently seen the most visible
changes -- the issue of Libya. For far too long the victims and family
members of the Pam Am 103 bombing have been denied justice. Libya, under
the dictator Muammar Qadhafi, has refused to deliver for trial before American
or Scottish courts, the two suspects in the case. After ten years, we are
no closer to getting the accused into an American or Scottish courtroom.
The possibility we are now examining is simply this: moving a Scottish
court and Scottish law to another country, probably the Netherlands. We
are discussing the possibility, and seeking to resolve the legal complexities.
Until we do so, no decision will be made to proceed with this idea.
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- Our bottom line is the same: there will be justice or there will be
US-mandated sanctions. We have told the representatives of other countries
that, if we decide to proceed with this approach, it is non-negotiable
on a take-it- or-leave-it basis. We have told those who have urged flexibility
on us that they will have the obligation to urge Libya to accept this offer.
And if Qadhafi demonstrates that he has been bluffing all along when he
promised the Arab league to deliver the suspects to a Scottish court in
a third country, we will expect them to help enforce and strengthen sanctions.
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- Mr. chairman, this snap shot of the Middle East provides a mixed picture
of our position there. Saddam is in power, but still in his box. The peace
process is alive, but only just, and with a still uncertain outcome. Developments
in Iran offer the prospect of positive change, but the struggle for power
and influence continues. In the case of Libya, we're looking at creative
ways to achieve justice for the families of the Pan Am 103 victims, but
Qadhafi could be bluffing and we will have to be ready to rally support
for stiffer sanctions if he is. But let me assure you that, whatever the
outcome in these and other situations, we have the resources and the will
to defend our interests and our friends.
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- Thank you.
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