THE CENTER FOR WAR, PEACE AND THE NEWS MEDIA AT NEW YORK UNIVERSITY December 2 - 9, 2003

Mark Burgess: on fighting the Iraqi insurgency

Vsevolod Gunitskiy: on civilians in the Iraq military calculation

John Feffer: on changing North Korea

Erik Goldstein: on President Bush in London

 

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U.S. State Department's
Report on Patterns of Global Terrorism for 2002

The US State Department's Report on Patterns of Global Terrorism for 2001

 

 

 

ELECTIONS DISPUTE CLOUDS U.S. IRAQ PLAN
The U.S. plans to hand sovereign authority in Iraq back to Iraqis on July 1 of next year, and that deadline is more important than the method of establishing just which Iraqis will be given the reins. Washington believes that ending the formal occupation and establishing an Iraqi government is the key to rallying Iraqis to take more control of the battle against the burgeoning insurgency that has plagued coalition troops, and recognizes that its handpicked Iraqi Governing Council lacks sufficient legity to accomplish that task. Instead, it wants a new provisional government chosen by handpicked caucuses in Iraq's 18 governates. But the country's leading Shiite clerical authority, Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, has insisted in a fatwa that the bodies determining Iraq's future must be democratically elected, and he has criticized the U.S. hand-over plan for failing to meet that standard. Although some of its key Shiite leaders advocated heeding the Ayatollah's fatwa, the majority of the Council backed U.S. viceroy Paul Bremer, who argued that elections can't be arranged in time for next year's deadline. The question now is: Will Sistani back down, or will the political transition spark new intra-Iraqi confrontations and even, possibly, a civil war.
(Washington Post, December 2, 2003)

  • The Washington Post's Rajiv Chandrasekharan provides an excellent account of how Bremer discovered, at his expense, the extent of Sistani's influence.
  • Robin Wright and Walter Pincus suggest that the July 1 deadline may have made Bremer a lame duck, and that even previously pliant factions in Iraq now have less incentive to do Washington's bidding in the political arena.
  • University of Michigan history professor Juan Cole tranlates Ayatollah Sistani's statement rejecting the Bremer plan. Cole's insights into the vagaries of Shiite religious and political power structures and conflicts make his daily web log, Informed Comment (www.juancole.com) essential reading for anyone following events in Iraq.
  • Adding to Bremer's headache in managing the transition is the position of many members of the Iraqi Governing Council, who are demanding that the IGC remain in power even after the provisional government is created. The New York Times reports that Council members are well aware that most are unlikely to be voted into the new government even in the tightly controlled "caucus" election process.
  • The Carnegie Endowment's Thomas Carothers warns that while the security situation may have precluded proper elections as a mechanism for choosing an Iraqi government, their absence may create legitimacy problems for a provisional government. He also anticipates delays in achieving the ambitious schedule laid out by Bremer's plan.
  • Steven Metz, of the U.S. Army War College argues in the Congressional Quarterly that the problem may lie in the Bush administrration's timetable, which he sees as signaling haste to exit Iraq. Unless the U.S. recognizes its earlier errors and adopts a long-term counterinsurgency strategy in Iraq, he argues, the consequent failure could have epoch-making consequences.

    BLOODBATH AT SAMARRA
    It may [EM] or may not [EM] have been the bloodiest firefight of the war, but there's no question that Sunday's clash between U.S. forces and insurgents in the town of Samarra was the strangest clash between the two sides thus far. While the U.S. military insist it killed 54 uniformed insurgents in the clash, the locals say the death toll amounted to around a dozen, and most of those were civilian bystanders
    . Even more strange was the statement by an insurgent "spokesman" in the town who insisted that only 12 fightersr had participated in the attack, two of whom had been killed. Fog of war aside, the Post's Anthony Shadid interviews the locals and paints a picture of ferocious firefight lasting hours, drawing in some of Samarra's civilian population on the side of the insurgents. He quotes U.S. military personnel present to the effect that the brazenness of the attack by insurgents who stood and fought rather than hitting and running may portend a new phase in the insurgency.
    (Washington Post, December 2, 2003)

  • The Samarra clash concluded the the bloodiest month for U.S. forces since the war began. Some 81 American soldiers were killed in November, as well as a further 35 personnel from other coalition countries.

    ISRAELIS AND PALESTINIANS ACHIEVE A HYPOTHETICAL PEACE
    Former Israeli cabinet ministers and current members of Yasser Arafat's government have concluded a blueprint for a peace deal in Geneva, that looks rather a lot like the the agreement left on the table at Taba in January 2001 by representatives of the Palestinian Authority and the doomed Israeli government of Ehud Barak
    . It's essentially a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders, with Israel withdrawing most of its settlements and the Palestinians reinterpreting their demand for a "right of return" by Palestinian refugees to mean return to the new Palestinian state, rather than to their former homes in what is now Israel. The problem, of course, is that the parameters agreed in Geneva has always been ferociously rejected by Ariel Sharon, while Yasser Arafat, for his part, tried once again to have it both ways by sending a congratulatory note acclaiming the agreement but stopping short of directly endorsing it for fear of antagonizing Palestinians over its renunciation of their "right of return" demand. Still, Geneva is a lot more than an exercise in gaming a future -- it's an attempt by the Israeli peace camp to turn up the heat on Sharon by showing Israelis and Americans that there is an alternative, and that Sharon is not the "man of peace" that President Bush once proclaimed him.
    (The Economist, December 2, 2003)

  • Henry Siegman of the Council on Foreign Relations parses the Geneva accord. While it is certain to be rejected by Sharon's government, he says, it will inevitably spark an important debate in Israel. Elsewhere, in the New York Review of Books, Siegman argues that Sharon is under mounting domestic pressure, most importantly from the four previous heads of Israel's security services who are publicly warning that his policies are leading Israel down a road to catastrophe.
  • The BBC's Paul Reynolds, however, reports that despite the optimism in Geneva, Israelis and Palestinians don't expect to see a return to the peace table any time soon.
  • Haaretz's Danny Rubinstein says Arafat's response to the Geneva document will be determined by sentiment within the ranks of the Palestinian national movement. He's more inclined to follow the consensus than take a lead.
  • In a sign of Washington's frustration with Sharon, particularly over his defiance of the U.S. on the question of the security fence Israel is building in the West Bank, Secretary of State Colin Powell plans to meet with the authors of the Geneva document despite Israel's objections.
  • Palestinian prime minister Ahmed Qurei is piling on the pressure over the fence, warning that he will pull out of mooted talks with Sharon if its construction is not halted. The combination of domestic pressure on Sharon to show progress towards peace, and universal condemnation of the fence abroad, may be creating some rare leverage for the Palestinian Authority.
  • For a detailed examination of the route of the controversial security barrier, Global Security provides a detailed collection of maps and satellite photographs.

    DOUBTS OVER AFGHANISTAN ELECTIONS
    Afghanistan is often cited as a model for the U.S. to follow in Iraq, and, indeed, the battered Central Asian country is due to cement its transition to democracy by holding an historic presidential election next June. But despite the determination of interim president Hamid Karzai to proceed with the poll, the growing Taliban insurgency is clouding prospects for holding the elections. Although some 10,000 U.S. troops remain in Afghanistan to conduct operations against the Taliban and al-Qaeda, the country's security is primarily in the hands of a NATO force numbering 5,500, which has only three helicopters at its disposal.
    (LA Times, December 2, 2003)

  • In a throwback to the heyday of the anti-Soviet jihad, Asia Times finds that if you want fight in Afghanistan, simply go to a madressa in the Pakistani town of Quetta, and you'll be contacted.
  • Hassan Haqqani, writing in Foreign Policy, suggests that madressas have become a key institution in the globalization of Islamist extremism.

    U.S. INTEL POST-MORTEM
    While much of the political wrangling over Iraq has focused on questions of the misuse or manipulation of intelligence, the absence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq plunged the U.S. intelligence community into a deeper crisis: So much of what it assumed to be correct turned out to be wrong. David Isenberg takes a look at the internal review process currently underway in Washington.
    (Asia Times, December 2, 2003)

    CAN NEW LEADERS STABILIZE GEORGIA?
    Having ousted President Eduard Shevardnadze, a new generation of Georgian leaders now face enormous challenges in stabilizing the country. There are no precedents for good governance in a society ruled, until now, by veterans of the Soviet system. But there is a mounting danger of political violence and criminal chaos.
    (Institute of War and Peace Reporting, November 28, 2003)

  • The Carnegie Endowment's Martha Brill Olcott asseses the impact of Georgia's 'revolution of roses' on a troubled region.
  • Extensive daily coverage of Georgia's political turmoil is available at the Daily Georgian Times. (Free, but registration required.)

    IVORY COAST THREATENS TO ERUPT
    The tense calm that followed the arrival of French peacekeepers in the Ivory Coast is fast fading, as government supporters begin to directly challenge French troops over their perceived support for anti-government rebels. The International Crisis Group warns that a new outbreak of fighting could plunge the whole region into chaos, sparking new violence in neighboring Liberia and elsewhere.
    (International Crisis Group, December 1, 2003)

  • The BBC reports that President Laurent Gbagbo is under pressure from his own army to confront the rebels, and the French.

    NORTHERN IRELAND'S VOTERS PLUNGE PEACE INTO CRISIS
    By choosing the Reverend Ian Paisley's hard-line Democratic Unionists, the Protestant majority in Northern Ireland have given a thumbs down at the ballot box to the power-sharing peace agreement for the territory. And the Catholic minority, meanwhile, has chosen the IRA-aligned Sinn Fein over the more moderate Social Democratic Labor Party. Under the current agreement, that requires a government pairing Paisley and Sinn Fein's Gerry Adams -- an unlikely prospect, to say the least. So it may be back to the drawing board for London.
    (The Economist, December 1, 2003)

    EURO DEFENSE TROUBLES RUMSFELD
    Plans by the European Union to create its own defense coordinating structures independent of NATO and therefore of the U.S. have raised concerns for Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld. The rift puts Britain in a difficult position, having agreed with France to the establishment of such a structure, yet having to placate Washington over the continued centrality of NATO.
    (BBC, December 1, 2003)

  • European defense analyst Rob De Wijk argues that the proper military relationship between Europe and the U.S. is a division of labor, in which the U.S. does the fighting and the Europeans do the peacekeeping.


  • Lu Yan

    CHINA EMBRACES THE GLAMOR OF CONSUMPTION

    Last year, Miss China was chosen in a covert process and was flown in secret to the Miss World pageant in Puerto Rico. This year couldn't be more different: Not only is Miss China, Lu Yan, a national celebrity, but all 110 Miss World contestants have spent the past month touring China, in preparation for Beijing's first Miss World pageant. There's been no official explanation for the shift from the previous negation of beauty pageants based on the twin puritanisms of communism and confucianism. But some China watchers believe the sudden explosion of modeling, glamor and beauty pageantry is intimately tied to the rapid growth of a Chinese consumer culture. For the Miss World organizers, of course, China has to look a lot safer than last year's venue, Nigeria, where the pageant became the focal point of communal bloodletting. Instead, they're hoping it will simply spur China's middle class on to greater feats of consumption.
    (LA Times, December 1, 2003)




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