THEY HATE US
[a Global Beat Exclusive]
seen the future, and its not pretty. We saw it clearly through the
media-soaked eyes of more than 1,200 teen-agers in 12 countries from all
parts of the world whom we surveyed for a project entitled The Next Generations
Image of Americans. "
SEARCH FOR A NUCLEAR WEAPON FOR LIMITED CONFLICTS
Bromley and David Grahame report on the Pentagon's search for a nuclear
FUTURE OF NUCLEAR ARMS CONTROL
an interactive assessment
of nuclear disarmament after the Moscow Summit,
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Journalists' Essential Field Guide to Afghanistan
by Edward Girardet
by The European
Center for War,
The News Media
SADDAM'S DANGEROUS GAME
Saddam Hussein has accepted a UN ultimatum on disarmament. His survival instinct made him comply with new terms for arms inspections, but showing too much weakness in the face of international pressure underscores his vulnerability and sends a message Saddam won't want the Iraqi people to hear.
The Economist, November 12, 2002
BLIX BECOMES AN UNLIKELY TRIGGER
The UN Security Council resolution on Iraqi disarmament hands the immediate trigger for war to an unassuming 74-year-old Swedish diplomat. If Iraq accepts the return of arms inspectors, it will be up to UNMOVIC chief Dr. Hans Blix to determine whether Baghdad is complying with UN demands. So what makes Blix tick?
The Guardian, November 8 2002
HAWKS WARN BUSH OF UN 'TRAP'
The Bush administration may be
confident that Saddam Hussein will soon defy UN demands
and give them cause for war, Washington hawks aren't so sure. The influential conservative Weekly Standard warns that the administration's Iraq focus has shifted from "regime change" to disarmament, and that binds the U.S. to the timetable of an inspection regime that can never be satisfactory. The magazine's stance is an indicator that Bush will face strong pressure from his right flank to attack Iraq even before the inspection process is completed.
The Weekly Standard, November 18 2002
The fate of UN efforts to disarm Saddam Hussein may depend, now, on whether the Iraqi leader sees his weapons of mass destruction as fundamental to his survival, or as expendable in order to ensure his survival if the alternative is an implacable U.S. onslaught. But his worst fear is that the inspections result both in his disarmament and overthrow, says CDI analyst Michael Donovan.
Center for Defense Information, November 7 2002
SHHHH! DON'T TELL THE KURDS
The Brookings Institution recently conducted a gamed simulation of a U.S. war on Iraq. Four notable conclusions: the need for speed to minimize political fallout; the need to consider the effects of all military operations on managing a post-Saddam scenario; the Saudis remain a crucial ally; and Iraq's Kurds may find themselves occupied by Turkey.
Center for Defense Information, November 7 2002
A panel of pundits assembled by the New Yorker, including former UN ambassador Richard Holbrooke, Leslie Gelb of the Council on Foreign Relations and journalist Jeffrey Goldberg sheds further light on the many things that could go wrong in Iraq. Still, most believe the U.S. has no alternative.
Talk of democracy in Iraq may help make the war more palatable, but it may be the last thing the U.S. needs there, says CDI researcher Michael Donovan, because policies pursued by a government representing the will of the Iraqi people are unlikely to be attractive to Washington.
Center for Defense Information, November 7 2002
CHINA: MORE OF THE SAME?
China's Communist Party leaders are deep into the ritual inauguration of their "Fourth Generation" of leaders, under Hu Jintao. The Economist sees them as unremarkable technocrats who promise more continuity than change. But for the Asia Times, the current Party congress represents the final exorcising of the ghost of Mao Zedong.
The Economist, November 7, 2002
Asia Times, November 9, 2002
MEET BEIJING'S NEXT GENERATION
Andrew J. Nathan and Bruce Gilley offer a comprehensive guide to China's new wave of Communist Party leaders in the New York Review of Books.
New York Review of Books, October 10, 2002
CHECHEN TERROR RAISES PRESSURE ON GEORGIA
Moscow has long been citing Chechen rebel sanctuaries in Georgia as reason for leaning on their least-loved neighbor in the Caucasus, Georgia's President Eduard Shevardnadze. The Center for Strategic International Studies warns that in light of the Moscow theater siege, the U.S. needs to apply stronger pressure for genuine changes in Georgia's corrupt regime, or else risk the demise of a key NATO ally in the region.
CSIS, November 7, 2002
CHECHNYA CRISIS: NO END IN SIGHT
Professor Stephen Blank of the U.S. Army War College argues that the Moscow theater siege arises directly out of the conditions prevailing in Chechnya as a result of Russia's war there, and that the siege means there's no end in sight to the cycle of brutality.
Center for Defense Information, November 6, 2002
CHECHENS BRACE FOR RUSSIAN RETALIATION
The West may set limits on what Russia can do in Georgia, but Moscow has a free hand in Chechnya, and its civilian population will pay the price. A Chechen journalist captures the mood in Chechnya following the Moscow siege.
Institute for War and Peace Reporting, November 7, 2002
TURKEY: A MODEL FOR ISLAMIST DEMOCRACY?
Turkish secularists, particularly the uniformed kind, and Western observers are fretting over the landslide electoral victory of a party with Islamist roots. But New Yorker editor David Remnick sees the glass as half full, suggesting that Turkey could become the model for integrating the Islamist impulse into a democratic polity.
The New Yorker, November 11, 2002
TURKEY, ERDOGAN AND ISLAM
Recep Tayyip Erdogan, whose party won last week's Turkish elections, may have his roots in the Islamist movement, but his orientation is towards Europe rather than the Islamic world.
International Herald Tibune, November 11, 2002
AFGHAN CRISIS LOOMS FOR THE U.S.
In frank remarks to the Brookings Institution, recently, Joint Chiefs chairman General Richard Myers said the U.S. war effort in Afghanistan is losing momentum, while its Al Qaeda and Taliban enemies are growing increasingly assertive. With U.S. bases under attack on average three times a week and the Karzai government struggling to hold its own, the Afghan model of "regime-change" isn't inspiring much confidence over a post-Saddam Iraq.
Washington Post, November 8, 2002
PAKISTAN: MUSHARRAF'S ISOLATION
Afghanistan isn't Washington's only headache in South Asia; the regime of general-turned-president Pervez Musharraf is growing increasingly isolated following recent elections that saw major gains for Islamist parties. Although Pakistan has a long tradition of military dictators, Sumit Ganguly argues that Musharraf is distinguished from his predecessors by his complete lack of allies in the civilian population.
Foreign Affairs, November 13, 2002
ONLY U.S. CAN SAVE ISRAEL FROM ITS SETTLERS
As Israelis contemplate another election, Akiva Eldar suggests that the political median has moved far to the right because of the absence of U.S. pressure. It was Washington's hard line against Israeli settlement of the West Bank and Gaza that drove voters to elect Yitzhak Rabin, he argues, but the current Bush administration has instead made common cause with a government of the setters. Now, the question on many Israeli leaders' minds is whether a post-Saddam scenario will bring renewed pressure on Israel to sue for peace with the Palestinians.
Haaretz, November 11, 2002
PROTOCOLS OF THE TV MOGULS OF EGYPT
Egypt has resisted pressure from Israel and the U.S. to stop the broadcast, during Ramadan, of a TV miniseries depicting Arab history. The protests were spurred by the fact that "Horseman Without a Horse" makes use of "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion," a notorious anti-Jewish fiction penned by the Czarist secret police in Russia in the late 19th century. Al Ahram's Amira Howeidy suggests that the show itself, and the 'defiance' displayed by the authorities in the face of pressure to ban it, are actually a fig leaf for Egypt's reluctance to confront real political challenges.
Al Ahram, November 7 -13, 2002
DECODING ARAB ANTI-AMERICANISM
U.S. efforts to counter anti-American sentiment in the Arab world are missing the point, argues Barry Rubin in Foreign Affairs. Such sentiment is tolerated, even encouraged by the authorities because it distracts the Arab street from the failings of their own leaders.
Foreign Affairs, November, 2002
THE SHRINKING OF MCWORLD
McDonalds has always been the 82nd Airborne of globalization: The arrival of the Golden Arches usually signaled that the international economy had established a beachhead in some previously closed society. The relentless spread of McDonalds, at a rate of a new outlet opening somewhere in the world every 17 minutes by the year 2000 made it the central icon of an integrated world economy. It allowed the Economist to establish the value of currencies via its Big Mac Index, while globalization's boosters could confidently (if erroneously) predict that no two countries in the fast-food chain's sphere of influence would ever fight a war. The bad news is that the relentless forward march of McDonalds has halted. In fact, the corporation has done an about turn, declaring last week that it would close its operations in three unnamed Middle Eastern and Latin American countries and trim them in a further four.
The Guardian, November 7, 2002
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interns to work on research projects with the Director of the Center for
Peace, and the News Media at NYU. The projects concern (1) the role of the
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ethnic/religious/racial conflict, and (2) international reporting in the
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