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U.S.
State Department's
Report
on Patterns of Global Terrorism for 2002

The
US State Department's Report on Patterns of Global Terrorism for 2001
|
The
President faces difficult choices
|
PRESIDENT
BUSH: WE WON'T BACK DOWN IN IRAQ, BUT IT IS GOING TO COST
President
Bush all but admitted that the administration's campaign to use Iraq as
a vehicle to pacify the Middle East has run into serious problems. The
cost to American taxpayers is going to be much heavier than even administration's
harshest critics had expected--at least $87 billion up front, and the
final cost is open ended. Getting our former allies to shoulder part of
the financial cost and shifting part of the military burden to other countries
will entail mending the diplomatic damage caused by hundreds of careless
administration remarks and press coverage like that in the New York Post
which involved superimposing weasels over the heads of the president of
France and the chancellor of Germany in a cover spread while the administration
was busy twisting arms to obtain a pro-war resolution at the U.N. Failing
outside helpo, expect major cuts in U.S. domestic social programs. What
Bush's speech lacked was any explanation of how the burgeoning war costs
will tally with his massive tax cuts for the wealthy earlier this year.
And what the speech really lacked was any clear idea of an exit plan from
the worsening Iraqi quagmire in the foreseeable future.
(President Bush's speech, in text, streaming video and streaming audio
from the White House website(click in right hand box for video and audio),
September 7, 2003)

The
New York Post: trashing allies in headier times
|
TOM
SHALES LOOKS AT THE SPEECH IN THE WASHINGTON POST
"A
worried-looking George W. Bush had bad news and good news about Iraq for
the American people in an 17-minute speech televised on all the networks
last night. The good news, in his words: "We're rolling back the
terrorist threat to civilization." The bad news: He's asking Congress
for $87 billion to continue the rolling. Consistently throughout the speech,
Bush's eyes were glued to the prompting device attached to the camera
-- though he still kept turning the typed pages of text in front of him
-- and at first he seemed to be reciting rather than talking. He was stiff
and listless, as he sometimes is without an audience present. The expression
on his face suggested anxiety as much as it did resolve. But as he continued,
Bush relaxed a little in his delivery and seemed less frozen before the
camera...."
(Tom Shales, Washington Post, September 8, 2003)
THE
ECONOMIST: $87 BILLION WON'T DO THE JOB
The
$87 billion requested by President Bush comes on top of $80 billion already
spent, and it won't get the job done, according to the Economist. At least
another $20 billion or more will have to be spent on development costs,
and don't count on outside aid unless the White House goes through a major
rethink. (The Economist, September 8, 2003)
DAVID
CORN COMMENTS IN THE NATION
"There's
nothing like dropping to a 52-percent approval rating to send a president--especially
a wartime president--rushing to the Cabinet room ( sans table) to deliver
a prime time speech declaring "great progress." Bush both reiterated
that Iraq was a crucial battle in the war against terrorism and asserted
it now is "the central front." On the first point, he had nothing
to say--literally--to back up his prewar assertions. He did not address
the where-are-the-weapons criticism he has received over the past few
months. Instead, he hailed his invasion for having overturned a regime
that "sponsored terror" and "possessed and used weapons
of mass destruction." Possessed and used, that is, if one looks back
to the Iraq of the 1980s (when Saddam Hussein was being courted by the
Reagan and Bush I administrations)... "
(David Corn, The Nation, September 8, 2003)
THE
CONGRESSIONAL BUDGET OFFICE: IRAQ IS UNSUSTAINABLE AT CURRENT TROOP LEVELS
AFTER NEXT MARCH
The
Congressional Budget Office's detailed analysis of the extent to which
U.S. troop strength is being stretched by deployment in Iraq. The U.S.
Army lacks the manpower to rotate troops in Iraq beyond next March. It
could sustain a force of 67,000 to 105,000 troops indefinitely after that,
but at a cost of $14 to $19 billion a year. Training and equipping two
additional divisions to meet the demands of Iraq would cost up to $19
billion and take 5 years to accomplish. Operating cost of running the
divisions would come to another $6 billion a year, plus another $3-4 billion
annually to deploy them in Iraq. A more realistic force of 85,000 to 129,000
personnel would cost the U.S. $23 billion to $29 billion a year.
(Congressional Budget Office, September 3, 2003 (in html and pdf))
GENERAL
ZINNI SPEAKS TO MARINE AND NAVAL OFFICERS ON IRAQ
The
former commander of U.S. forces in the Middle East warns that the lack
of a coherent strategy and sufficient resources in Iraq risks failure
and ultimately threatens to break the U.S. armed forces. Zinni's speech
to the U.S. Naval Institute and the U.S. Marine Corps Association, drew
thunderous applause from the audience, and a rush to buy compact disks
of the text.
(General Anthony Zinni, The Washington Post, September 4, 2003)
 |
RUMSFELD:
CRITICS MAKE IT EASIER FOR THE TERRORISTS
Under
increasing attack, Donald Rumsfeld gave a smoothly-executed photo-op oriented
performance on his latest whirl-wind tour of Iraq. Glossing over difficulties
that many see as as the first stages leading to a quagmire, the secretary
emphasized the humanitarian disaster that might have been and the growing
number of satellite dish antennas--a sign of burgeoning westernization.
Rumsfeld announced that the responsibility for finding the elusive Weapons
of Mass Destruction has now been transferred to former U.N. weapons inspector
David Kay and the CIA's George Tenet (these
remarks were made on board Rumsfeld's plane in Ireland, and reported by
the New York Times), effectively taking Rumsfeld out of the loop on
one of the administration's most embarrassing issues. As for the ongoing
security problems, Rumsfeld argued that no one at the Pentagon could have
foreseen that Saddam's supporters might sidestep combat and simply blend
into the countryside, saving their forces for guerrilla-style hit-and-run
attacks. On the plane back to the U.S., Rumsfeld accused his critics of
aiding terrorists and slowing the pacification of Iraq (Washington
Post, September 8, 2003). Although perennially optimistic, Rumsfeld
gave no insight on how the U.S. might eventually extricate itself from
Iraq. Instead he emphasized a determination to stay the course despite
the burgeoning costs of the Bush administration's Middle East campaign.
(Rumsfeld on-site briefing to the press in Iraq (Saturday, September 6,
2003)
Briefing
to Press in Iraq
The
Washington Post coverage
New
York Times
WHY
ARE WE IN IRAQ (and Afghanistan, and Liberia)
Michael
Ignatieff, writing in the New York Times Magazine, explores the reasons
that led George W. Bush to use force as a first resort, and traces the
history of American interventionism to the early days of the Republic.
The basic rules: always pick on someone who is smaller, or at least someone
who doesn't have functional nuclear weapons, and don't pick fights with
a place like Vietnam, where ordinary citizens are prepared to die. Ignatieff
traces conservative fears of appeasement to the Clinton administrations
hasty withdrawal of Somalia after Black Hawk Down. He neglects to mention
that it was really Reagan's ignominious withdrawal from Beirut after more
than 200 Marines were killed by a truck bomb that kindled a belief among
Middle Eastern extremists that the U.S. isn't prepared to go the course.
(Michael Ignatieff in the New York Times Magazine, September 4, 2003)
THE
PENTAGON OFFERS AN EXPENSIVE WINDFALL TO BOEING
According
to the Congressional Budget Office, the Air Force is preparing to pay
Boeing an extra $1.5 billion to $2 billion in a plan to lease 100 or more
K-767-A in flight refueling tankers rather than buying the planes outright.
The Pentagon's leasing scheme will cost roughly $161 million per plane
over the entire leasing period rather than the $131 million that the plane
would cost to purchase outright. The CBO reports that as structured now,
the leasing scheme violates Congressional Scorecard and Office of Management
and Budget guidelines, and is consequently not in compliance with the
Defense Department Appropriations Act of 2002.
Congressional Budget Office, September 4, 2003 (pdf format)
CRISIS
WATCH
The
International Crisis Group has launched a monthly list of the world's
major trouble spots. Potential hot zones include Ivory Coast, Iraq, India,
Indonesia and others. looking better: Burundi, Congo, and Sierra Leone.(ICG,
September 8, 2003)

Ahmed Qureia
makes a point |
PALESTINIAN
AUTHORITY GETS A NEW P.M.
Ahmed
Qureia, who has just become Prime Minister after serving as speaker of
the legislature, has as little public support in Israel as his predecessor
Mahmoud Abbas, but Qureia is considered a more wily politician, and he
has been campaigning for the spot for some time. Although considered a
moderate, and a supporter of the peace process, his appointment is primarily
an indication that Arafat is still calling the shots.(Arnon Regular in
Ha'aretz, September 8, 2003)
ABU
ALA'S DIFFICULT JOB
To
meet American and Israeli expectations, Ahmed Qureia, a.k.a. Abu Ala will
have to suppress the Tanzim, the armed militia of his own political movement.
To do that he will need unfettered control of the Palestinian Authority's
security forces. Until now, that is a point on which Yassir Arafat has
refused to yield. (Ha'aretz, September 9, 2003)
DID
THE U.S. DECIDE AGAINST A PALESTINIAN STATE BEFORE CAMP DAVID?
Israeli
peace activist Uri Avnery writes in Counter Punch that recently declassified
secret documents show that the U.S. had already made up its mind before
launching Camp David 25 years ago. Says Avnery:"Before the meeting
even started, the Americans had, without consulting the parties, prepared
the full text of an agreement. This text is very similar to the agreement
that eventually emerged. The main victim of Camp David was, of course,
the Palestinian people. The Americans had decided beforehand that there
was no place for a sovereign Palestinian state, but only for some kind
of "autonomy" that would allow the Israeli occupation to continue..."
(Uri Avnery in Counterpunch, September 8, 2003)
GOOD
BYE TO SAUDI ARABIA
The
Bush administration seems set on severing the longstanding relationship
between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia. A likely casualty of the divorce: low
oil prices that previous administrations had considered vital to American
security.
(Paul Michael Wihbey in The Spectator, September 6, 2003)
MURDOCH
GETS READY TO TAKE ON THE BBC
Tony
Blair isn't the only one trying to scuttle the BBC these days. Rupert
Murdoch, who promotes the bombastically slanted Fox News channel and the
embarrassingly sleaze-prone New York Post, is reportedly now maneuvering
behind the scenes to undercut the pride of British broadcasting when the
BBC comes up for charter renewal shortly. New York Magazine's Michael
Wolf reports on the right wing tycoon's latest maneuvers.
(Michael Wolf in the New York Post, September 8, 2003)
MURDOCH
RESHAPES AMERICAN MEDIA
Rupert
Murdoch's politics may lean to the right, but James Fallows argues in
the Atlantic Monthly that his real interest lies in making money. By espousing
a conservative line, Murdoch has managed to resonate with a public that
is already reacting against the downside of globalization, and is understandably
nervous about an ominously unpredictable future.
(James Fallows, The Atlantic Monthly, September 2003)
|

US GI's detain an Iraqi suspect |
COUNTING
THE DEAD
While
U.S. authorities keep up-top-date track of the mounting American casualties
in Iraq, the administration is intentionally not keeping track of the Iraqi
civilians accidentally shot or maimed by stressed-out GI's who don't speak
Arabic. At least it is not doing so publicly. Peter Beaumont reports in
the London Observer on the death of an Iraqi school girl: "Farah Fadhil
was only 18 when she was killed. An American soldier threw a grenade through
the window of her apartment. Her death, early last Monday, was slow and
agonizing. Her legs had been shredded, her hands burnt and punctured by
splinters of metal, suggesting that the bright high-school student had covered
her face to shield it from the explosion.
She had been walking to the window to try to calm an escalating situation;
to use her smattering of English to plead with the soldiers who were spraying
her apartment building with bullets...But then a grenade was thrown and
Farah died. So did Marwan Hassan who, according to neighbors, was caught
in the crossfire as he went looking for his brother when the shooting began.
What is perhaps most shocking about their deaths is that the coalition troops
who killed them did not even bother to record details of the raid with the
coalition military press office. The killings were that unremarkable. What
happened in Mahmudiya last week should not be forgotten, for the story of
this raid is also the story of the dark side of the US-led occupation of
Iraq, of the violent and sometimes lethal raids carried out apparently beyond
any accountability.
For while the media are encouraged to count each US death, the Iraqi civilians
who have died at American hands since the fall of Saddam's regime have been
as uncounted as their names have been unacknowledged.."
Peter
Beaumont, The Observer, Sunday, September 7, 2003

The
Security Policy Working Group

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