Isenberg's critique of Homeland Security and recommendations for improvements
[click on image to go to the executive summary]
SEARCH FOR A NUCLEAR WEAPON FOR LIMITED CONFLICTS
Bromley and David Grahame report on the Pentagon's search for a nuclear
FUTURE OF NUCLEAR ARMS CONTROL
an interactive assessment
of nuclear disarmament after the Moscow Summit,
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TERRORISTS DETONATE MASSIVE EXPLOSIONS IN ISRAEL
intense security precautions, Israeli police had no warning of the attack
before it took place, Sunday night. Intelligence agencies now see a split
within the Fatah movement over continuing to use suicide bombers as an
Details of the bombing].
Shin Bet is now receiving 30 to 40 bomb "alerts" per week.
It has succeeded in stopping 90% of the potential attacks, but is still
unable to guarantee absolute security.
Ha'aretz, January 3, 2002.
the bombing strategy into perspective.
The total Israeli casualties from terrorist bombs in the roughly two years
from September 29, 2000 to November 30, 2002, is 640. Bombings count for
only 0.5% of incidents involving Palestinian attacks, but they are responsible
for more than half the casualties. Palestinian casualties during the same
period were 1,597, including 300 minors. The suicide bombers count on
the fact that they are not only able to make most Israelis feel ordinary
fear but an intense mixture of horror and revulsion as well.
Avishai Margalit, writing in the New York Review of Books, explores the
recent history of terrorism and its impact.
New York Review of Books, January 7, 2003
THE ATTACK ON IRAQ BEGINS, SOME ISRAELIS FAVOR FORCING PALESTINIANS ACROSS
THE BORDER INTO JORDAN
KOREA WARNS THAT ECONOMIC SANCTIONS WILL CREATE A STATE OF WAR
The code word for massive deportation is "transfer." When the
U.S. launches its war against Iraq, a growing number of Israelis feel
that security considerations will justify driving a large number of Palestinians
across the border into Jordan. Ron Ha-Cohen details the current debate.
By Ron Ha-Cohen, Antiwar.com, December 30, 2003
Now that Washington is trying to tread softly in
countering North Koreas nuclear ambitions, Pyongyang is pushing
its advantage and cautions that any attempt to use economic pressure would
lead to war. (with comprehensive links)
BBC January 7, 2002
experts on North KoreaChuck Downs and Kenneth Quinonesdiscuss
strategy options in the current crisis.(With links)
Jim Lehrer News Hour, December 30, 2002
IS KEEPING THE IRAQI OPPOSITION ON THE MARGINS OF INVASION PLANNING
paying lip service to Iraqi opposition groups, Washington policy planners
hope to defuse criticisms that the U.S. is simply making a grab for territory.
On the other hand, recently leaked war plans call for U.S. troops to move
quickly into Kirkuk and occupy the rich oil fields in the region. The
Kurds consider Kirkuk to be their capital, but Turkey, which fears an
independence movement from its own Kurds, can be counted on to keep the
Iraqi Kurds from attempting to take over the city. Iraqi opposition leaders
are divided among themselves about supporting the U.S. effort The Kurds
are leery of the imperial ambitions of Washingtons neoconservative
hawks, but they are also convinced that dislocating Saddam is next to
impossible with out American help.
By Chris Toensing in Foreign Policy in Focus. January 2003.
OTHER MOTIVES EXIST, ADMINISTRATION ADVISERS CAN APPRECIATE THE VALUE
OF AN IRAQI OIL BONANZA
of the Bush administrations top advisers have a long history with
oil, starting with Dick Cheney, who previously headed Halliburton, a major
competitor for the contract to refurbish Saddams oil pipelines.
Despite exploration elsewhere, the Middle East is the only region that
is really capable of satisfying the U.S. appetite for oil which is projected
to increase by 30% over the next 20 years. The World Watch Institutes
Michael Renner describes the players and what is at stake in Foreign Policy
in Focus, January 2003.
oil could change the future of world energy
oil reserves are second only to Saudi Arabia and they are five times those
of the U.S. If the U.S. can maintain control over the fields near Kirkuk
it would be able to redefine the world market.
Fadhil Chalabi, director of Londons Centre for Global Energy Studies,
outlined Iraqs potential in a comprehensive study in October 2000.
Journal of the Middle East Policy Council, October 2000
expect more global warming.
over Iraq could spell the end of the U.S. willingness to let OPEC set
artificially high energy prices. Cheap oil would provide a boost to the
economy, but it would probably also spell the end of efforts at energy
conservation, and it can be expected to accelerate global warming.
The RAND Corporations James T. Bartis suggests that the administration
should think carefully about the implications.
James T. Bartis, RAND, January 6, 2003
ARAB VIEW: LIBERATION OR OLD-STYLE IMPERIALISM
in Foreign Affairs, Fouad Ajami warns that nothing that Washington can
say will convince the Arabs that the invasion of Iraq is anything other
than an imperialist power grab that pierces deep into the heart of Arabia.
Despite regional mistrust and paranoia, the U.S. can succeed, but to do
so it will have to cast aside its traditional hesitancy over nation building,
and it will have to settle in for a long-term commitment.
By Fouad Ajami in Foreign Affairs, January-February 2003.
INTERACTIVE MAP OF IRAQI NUCLEAR SITES
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace provides details on each of
Iraq's nuclear facilities.
on map to go to interactive site]
WHAT ABOUT AMERICAN CITIES?
moment of truth now looks inevitable and past history indicates that he
is not the kind of man to accept defeat graciously. That makes America
a prime target for terrorist attacks, yet despite a great deal of talk
the Homeland security program is still not able to guarantee absolute
public. The Brookings Institutions Michael OHanlon analyzes
U.S. vulnerability, and what might be done about it.
Michael OHanlon, Brookings, December 31, 2002.
IN CHECHNYA OVER GROWING WAHHABI INFLUENCE
murder of a prominent religious leader has Chechens in Grozny worried
about growing influence of the extremist Wahhabi sect from Saudi Arabia.
By some estimates up to 10% of Chechnya is now linked to Wahhabism, and
members of the movement are providing guns and equipment to extremists
ready to attack Russians.
By Umalt Dudayev, the Institute for War & Peace Reporting, Grozny,
19 December 2002.
IS GOING WRONG FOR LUKOIL
Russian oil giant is not having an easy time of it. Banished from Iraq,
troubles with key government officials and in Azerbaijan. What comes next?
The Moscow Times, January 6, 2002
REPUBLIC, HELLO EMPIRE!
Quincy Adams remarked that if America were to "become dictatress
of the world, she would no longer be ruler of her own spirit."Michael
Ignatieffs provocative essay which ran as the cover story in the
New York Times magazine on Sunday suggests that America is indeed close
to becoming a defacto empire. "Get used to it," says a subhead
on the magazines cover. The Bush administrations obsession
with launching the U.S. into a war with Iraq may constitute the modern-day
equivalent of Julius Caesars crossing the Rubicon. The price of
involving the U.S. in a war that practically no one else in the world
really wants will not come cheap. Ignatieff, who heads the Carr Center
at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, points
out that "what empires lavish abroad, they cannot spend on good republican
government at home: on hospitals, roads or schools" It is clear that
after 9/11, the U.S. cannot afford to ignore what is happening in the
rest of the world, but Ignatieff steps lightly over the extent to which
George Bushs advisers have made a conscious choice to enhance American
power rather than invest in international cooperation that might give
the rest of the worldincluding western Europe-- some voice in deciding
its own future. Far from being conservative, the Bush administration has
taken an extremely radical position, effectively reversing 50 years of
American foreign policy. Where the goal used to be to try to get the world
to work together, Washington is now seeking brute power with no visible
limits to its use. To his credit, Ignatieff highlights the downside of
some of the most egregious abuses. "What empires lavish abroad, they
cannot spend on good republican government at home: on hospitals, roads
or schools," he observes. And he supplies some chilling statistics.
While the U.S. spent 1% on nonmilitary foreign aid during the administration
of John F. Kennedy, U.S. nonmilitary foreign aid has dropped to just 0.2%
of GDP under the presidency of George. W. Bush. The U.S. has been spending
$1 billion a month on military operations in Afghanistan, but only $25
million on actually trying to put the country back together. "It
is unsurprising that force projection overseas should awaken resentment
among America's enemies," notes Ignatieff. "More troubling is
the hostility it arouses among friends." Ignatieff notes that the
attack on 9/11 signaled the beginning of a long, bloody struggle to determine
who will rule the Islamic world and how it will be ruled. "America
can help repress and contain the struggle," concludes Ignatieff,"but
even though its own security depends on the outcome, it cannot ultimately
read the essay, click here].
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