Prudentius's Romanus: the rhetorician
as hero, martyr, satirist and saint
"Prudentius's Romanus: the rhetorician as hero, martyr and saint," Rhetorica IX (1991), pp. 5-38.
Although almost all readers of Prudentius agree that he
is the major poet produced by early Christianity, some have
been disturbed by what seems to them his bad taste(1). They
find his use of violence excessive, his mixing genres
anti-classical, and his shifts of tone generally
troublesome.
Typical of this group of readers, Pierre LaBriolle finds
the "failings of taste" in the Peristephanon even more
intolerable than those in the Cathemerinon. His greatest
objections are to the "grandiloquent verse in the mouths of
the martyrs," and to the "interminable harangues" they
deliver to their tormentors(2). He particularly objects to
the rhetorical abilities Prudentius bestows upon Romanus:
One (martyr) "under examination" utters no fewer
than six tirades -- the two last of 32 and 93
lines -- after his tongue has been cut out!
Prudentius does not know how to keep himself
within limits.
He attributes Prudentius' lack of self-control to "the
natural bent of his Spanish temperament nourished on Roman
rhetoric."
Among those who have been less eager to attribute
Prudentius' peculiar qualities to Iberia, two groups have
formed to argue about whether he is working in a classical
or anti-classical tradition. Klaus Thraede and Charles Witke
argue that Prudentius is essentially a classical poet(3).
On the other hand, Macklin Smith, proceeding from a reading
of Curtius' excursus on "Early Christian Poetry," argues
that, "The rich flood of his poetry is independent of the
system of the antique genres and hence is not forced to come
to terms with antique literary theory"(4) The basis for his
opposition to Thraede, as well as to Charles Witke, is the
fear(5) that Prudentius' Christian intentions may be
overlooked:
With Witke, Thraede tends to overstress the
positive meaningfulness of the classical form at
the expense of the Christian content(6).
One faction, then, is primarily interested in dogma, the
other in poetry(7).
Part of what gives rise to the controversy is the range
of Prudentius' imagination, which, as Filippo Ermini
remarks, not only combines "l'orrido, l'atroce e il comico,"
but is also remarkably elastic: "sovente il tropo á anche
pi ardito e pi lontana á l'analogia con la realt‹."(8)
These distinctive qualities are what compel Jacques Fontaine
to borrow Curtius's use of the term "mannerism"(9) to
characterize Prudentius' poetry. The Mannerist, Fontaine
says, displays an interest in irrationality, instability,
excess, affective violence, as well as a taste for display,
a pleasure in ambiguity, constructive imbalance, structure
and ornament that do not match, and broken unity(10).
Fontaine invokes another term from art history when he
suggests that the choice of lyric measures instead of
hexameters freed Prudentius to indulge in "baroque"
excess(11). In addition, he finds Prudentius' performance
in the Peristephanon naive and folkloric, offering, as the
extreme case, as well as "le plus exemplaire" of these
qualities, the poem devoted to the martyrdom of Romanus(12).
Hippolyte Delehaye also finds Peristephanon X exemplary,
but of a whole genre, and not merely of Prudentius'
individual style:
La longue histoire du martyre de S. Romain
pourrait ¦tre donne comme spcimen du genre tout
entiár."(13)
The genre to which it belongs, however, is compounded out
of other genres, and the strange mixture has contributed to
the critical disagreement about exactly what Prudentius
produced. Walther Ludwig, for example, points out that
Prudentius introduces bucolic in a hymn, and satire in a
learned epic(14). In his remarks on Peristephanon X,
Walther argues that Prudentius attempts to produce a
Christian tragedy, in which Romanus plays the part of ein
beredter Bekenner des christlichen Glaubens. Although
Walther correctly points out that the meter is that of
Senecan tragedy, it is also that of Plautine and Terentian
comedy. Furthermore, as Walther himself remarks, Prudentius'
decision to compose Peristephanon IX in the verse form
Horace used to describe his journey to Brundisium seems to
be a conscious allusion to comedy(15). Prosody alone, then,
does not reveal Prudentius' intentions.
Other readers have resorted to compounding genres in
their attempts to describe Prudentius' accomplishments. In
his discussion of the Peristephanon, Raby found in
Prudentius' text, "a combination of the epic and lyric which
can almost be described as a ballad."(16) Another Prudentian
text in lyric measures, the Cathemerinon XII provoked
Jean-Louis Charlet to speak of the mixture of lyric,
allegorical, epic, tragic, and idyllic elements, producing
what he calls, borrowing Brozek's term, a Pindaric
quality(17).
The mixture of genres, however, would be merely academic,
were it not for the sensational, violent subject matter,
which is by definition unendurable. Herbert Musurillo
expresses a general discomfort when he tries to deal with
the accusation that martyrdom is a psychotic state:
...surely it is to go to excess to speak of the
'martyr psychosis' and the masochistic phenomenon
of early Christianity(18).
Fantasies involving mutilation, pain, sadism, and death
penetrate the poems, as martyr after martyr endures
unbearable torture. Avid for specific detail, Prudentius
expresses his regret, in the opening poem of the
Peristephanon, that truly bloody details are unavailable for
the carmen triumphalis of Hilarius(19):
haec loquentes obruuntur mille poenis martyres;
nexibus manus utrasque flexus involvit rigor,
et chalybs adtrita colla gravibus ambit circulis.
o vetustatis silentis obsoleta oblivio!
invidentur ista nobis fama et ipsa extinguitur.
chartulas blasphemus olim nam satelles abstulit,
ne tenacibus libellis erudita saecula
ordinem, tempus modumque passionis proditum
dulcibus linguis per aures posterorum spargerent. (ll. 70-78)
At these words the martyrs are overwhelmed with a
thousand tortures. Stiff fetters curve round
their two hands and clasp them in their grip, and
heavy rings of iron surround and chafe their
necks. Alas for what is forgotten and lost to
knowledge in the silence of the old time! We are
denied the facts about these matters, the very
tradition is destroyed, for long ago a reviling
soldier of the guard took away the records, lest
generations taught by documents that held the
memory fast should make public the details, the
time and manner of their martyrdom, and spread
them abroad in sweet speech for posterity to hear.
However, Prudentius' martyrs endure pain and death not
merely with conventional Stoic fortitude(20), but with joy,
a sense of play, and in several instances, among which
Peristephanon X is the most elaborate, with a loquacity that
is simultaneously stunning and disturbing.
For them, torture is sport and pain is pleasure. They
deliver speeches of great length, while parts of their
bodies are cut, burned, whipped, and amputated, in scenes
that seem designed to illustrate Wordsworth's contention
that verse is a kind of pharmakon, enabling readers or
listeners to endure what they could not bear to see or hear
in the real world(21).
In Peristephanon V, for example, Vincent grows laetior
(l. 125) as he is torn to pieces:
Ridebat haec miles dei
manus cruentas increpans
quod fixa non profundius
intraret artus ungula.
But the soldier of God laughed at these commands,
rebuking the blood-stained hands because the claw
thrust into him did not enter more deeply into his
body.
When he is taken from the pit, his followers wander with
their kisses over the double rows made in his body by the
claws, joyfully licking the purple gore:
ille ungularum duplices
sulcos pererrat osculis,
hic purpurantem corporis
gaudet cruorem lambere. (ll. 337-340)
One covers with kisses the double cuts made by the
claws, another eagerly licks the red gore on the
body.
In Peristephanon XI, Prudentius varies the representation
of dismemberment by describing a painting(22) that depicts
Hippolytus' death, with a catalogue of bodily parts, and the
martyr's fellow Christians soaking up the blood from the
sand:
Ille caput niveum conplectitur ac reverandam
canitiem molli confovet in gremio;
hic umeros truncasque manus et bracchia et ulnas
et genua et crurum fragmina nuda legit.
Palliolis etiam bibulae siccantur harenae,
ne quis in infecto pulvere ros maneat.
Si quis et in sudibus recalenti aspergine sanguis
insidet, hunc omnem spongia pressa rapit. (ll. 137-144)
One clasps the snowy head, cherishing the
venerable white hair on his loving breast, while
another picks up the shoulders, the severed hands,
arms, elbows, knees, bare fragments of legs. With
their garments also they wipe dry the soaking
sand, so that no drop shall remain to dye the
dust; and wherever blood adheres to the spikes on
which its warm spray fell, they press a sponge on
it and carry it all away.
When the executioner approaches Agnes, in Peristephanon
XIV, she greets him as a savage lover, more welcome than a
delicate, perfumed young man; she promises to respond
eagerly to the full, vigorous thrust of his sword between
her breasts:
exulto, talis quod potius venit
vaesanus atrox turbidus armiger,
quam si veniret languidus ac tener
mollisque ephebus tinctus aromate,
qui me pudoris funere perderet.
hic, hic amator iam, fateor, placet:
ibo inruentis gressibus obviam,
nec demorabor vota calentia;
ferrum in papillas omne recepero
pectusque ad imum vim gladii traham. (ll. 69-78)
"I rejoice that there comes a man like this, a
savage, cruel, wild man-at-arms, rather than a
listless, soft, womanish youth bathed in perfume,
coming to destroy me with the death of my honour.
This lover, this one at last, I confess it,
pleases me. I shall meet his eager steps half-way
and not put off his hot desires. I shall welcome
the whole length of his blade into my bosom,
drawing the sword-blow to the depths of my
breast."
This is the kind of detail that provoked Fontaine and others
to invoke the term "Mannerism." The art of rhetoric,
however, rather than the plastic arts, may account for more
of what goes on in Prudentius' verse.
When panegyrists claimed saints' lives as their material,
Delehaye points outs: "l'loquence s'empare d'un tháme
nouveau."(23) For Christian poets, then, saints' lives offer
a new subject for an ancient discipline -- Graeco-Roman
rhetoric -- as Walther implies when he describes Romanus as
ein beredter Bekenner des christlichen Glaubens. Prudentius
shows none of the guilt about using classical rhetoric that
penetrates the texts of Jerome and Augustine, perhaps
because he sees literary ramifications in the Eusebian
proposition of "the empire as a providential preparation for
the unity of mankind in Christ."(24) By exploiting pagan
rhetoric, then, he may adapt it to Christian uses, and he
may also surpass it.
On the basis of this hypothesis, violence, for example,
becomes more appropriate and comprehensible. Certainly
Virgil's description of the death of Priam should satisfy
most appetites for Grausamkeit(25). Fascination with the
horrible had characterized the Roman declamatory tradition
and the poems of Lucan and the plays of Seneca reflect that
tradition(26). Four centuries later, Prudentius' use of
violence is not necessarily a violation of classical
decorum, as Miceislaus Brozek suggests when he points out
that several passages in Quintillian might have served as
models for Prudentius' use of gruesome detail(27).
According to the statistics compiled by Henderson, only 20
percent of the lines in the Peristephanon qualify as in some
sense violent(28). More important, he suggests, is the
rhetorical, thematic function of the violence: "Prudentius'
intention is clear; the greater the mortification of the
flesh in all its terrifying details, the greater the triumph
of the spirit."(29) The violence, then, is not necessarily a
sign of a Spanish fondness for "excess," which for some
readers is a word synonymous with "rhetorical."(30) Instead,
Prudentius' rhetorical excess is part of a deliberate, even
programatic attempt to provide his subject matter with what
Milton, in a similar predicament, called "answerable style."
Traditionally, the defense of literary excess relies on
matching words either to subject matter, or to feelings.
For example, Roland Barthes defends the stylistic excesses
of late eighteenth-century writers by insisting that their
words matched the events themselves. In addition, he insists
upon the difficulty of later times perceiving the function
of rhetorical amplification:
The Revolution was in the highest degree one of
those great occassions when truth, through the
bloodshed that it costs, becomes so weighty that
its expression demands the very forms of
historical amplification. Revolutionary writing
was the one and only grand gesture commensurate
with the daily presence of the guillotine. What
today seems turgid was then no more than
life-size(31).
On the other hand, Henri Peyre defends the inflationary
tendencies of Romantic rhetoric on the basis of the need to
express an excess of feeling:
Even when they resorted to inflated language or to
exclamatory rhetoric to convey an experience they
deemed unique, they were trying to render
passionately and exaltedly what they had
experienced ardently(32).
Prudentius' poems offer an opportunity for both defenses;
the poet attempts to fabricate a style analogous both to the
divine nature of the events related, and to the poet's
feelings about his subject matter(33).
Even his prosody shows signs of deliberate excess. The
number and variety of metrical forms he uses is at least
remarkable, if not excessive; the Praefationes, for example,
offer alternating iambic trimeter and dimeter, iambic
trimeter, and aeolian verse (aesclepedians and glyconics).
The Cathemerinon offers hypercatalectic dactylic trimeter,
Phalaceans, asclepedians, catalectic diambs, iambic
trimeter, sapphics, catalectic trochees, and catalectic
anapestic dimeters. The variety among the fourteen poems
that make up the Peristephanon is equally impressive.
Prudentius' prosodic self-consciousness also asserts
itself in a cadenza on Saint Vincent, inserted into
Peristephanon IV, where he exceeds the number of syllables
permissible in a Sapphic line, in order to introduce the
name of Saturn(34). In the process of violating the rules,
he fastidiously calls attention to his transgression, and
claims that his subject matter is sufficient excuse for what
otherwise would be blameworthy and, in effect, in bad taste:
quattuor posthinc superest virorum
nomen extolli renuente metro,
quos Saturninos memorat vocatos
prisca vetustas.
carminis leges amor aureorum
nominum parvi facit, et loquendi
cura de sanctis vitiosa non est
nec rudis umquam. (ll. 161-68)
It still remains to exalt the names of four though
my meter refuses. Old times of long ago tell that
they were each called Saturninus. Love of their
golden names makes light of the rules of verse,
and concern to speak of the saints is never
incorrect nor barbarous.
By divine literary standards, Prudentius insists that his
measure is "full," or "complete," and appropriate for the
heavenly book, to be explicated at the right moment:
plenus est artis modus adnotatas
nominum formas recitare Christo,
quas tenet caeli liber explicandus
tempore justo. (ll. 169-172)
The measure of art is full if we recite to Christ
the forms of the names as they are written down
and contained in the book of heaven which shall be
opened at the due time.
Prudentius' self-conscious use of images of the book is
one of several ways in which he implies that his
achievements will be judged in terms of, rather than in
spite of his rhetorical propensities. In several poems of
the Peristephanon, rhetoric itself becomes not merely a
tool, but the central subject matter(35). In addition to
Romanus, at least three other Prudentian martyrs provide
examples of self-conscious, even heroic, rhetorical
competence. In Peristephanon III, for example, composed in
hypercatalectic dactylic trimeters, St. Eulalia's major use
of language is to provoke her tormentors. When they respond
by tearing her sides, she triumphantly calls the torn flesh
"God's writing."(36)
Nec mora, carnifices gemini
iuncea pectora dilacerant
et latus ungula virgineum
pulsat utrimque et ad ossa secat
Eulalia numerante notas.
"Scriberis ecce mihi, domine.
Quam iuvat hos apices legere,
qui tua, Christe, tropaea notant.
Nomen et ipsa sacrum loquitur
purpura sanguinis eliciti." (ll. 131-140)
In a moment, two executioners are tearing her slim
breast, the claw striking her girlish sides and
cutting to the bone, while Eulalia counts the
marks. "See, Lord," she says, "thy name is being
written on me. How I love to read these letters,
for they record thy victories, O Christ, and the
very scarlet of the blood that is drawn speaks the
holy name."
Even more self-consciously involved with images drawn
from books and writing, although more involved with literal
elements, Peristephanon IX, composed in alternating dactylic
hexameters and iambic senarii, depicts the martyrdom of
Saint Cassian, the magister litterarum of Imola. The poem
begins with Prudentius praying at the saint's tomb, looking
at a picture of Cassian's martyrdom:
Erexi ad caelum faciem, stetit obvia contra
fucis colorum picta imago martyris
plagas mille gerens, totos lacerata per artus,
ruptam minutis praeferens punctis cutem.
innumeri circum pueri, miserabile visu,
confossa parvis membra figebant stilis,
unde pugillares soliti percurrere ceras
scholare murmur adnotantes scripserant. (ll. 10-16)
I lifted my face towards heaven, and there stood
confronting me a picture of the martyr painted in
colours, bearing a thousand wounds, all his parts
torn, and showing his skin broken with tiny
pricks. Countless boys round about (a pitiful
sight!) were stabbing and piercing his body with
the little styles with which they used to run over
their wax tablets, writing down the droning
lessons in school.
Since the children and their weapons are small, the wounds
they make are small, but sufficient in number to bring about
the death of Cassian.
A verger who happens to be present proceeds to relate the
story to the grateful poet, assuring him that the event
represented in the picture has been tradita libris, in good
faith, and is no inanis aut anilis fabula. Cassian's skill
was not in composing poetry or prose, but in the physical,
necessarily tedious act of writing:
praefuerat studiis puerilibus et grege multo
saeptus magister litterarum sederat,
verba notis brevibus conprendere cuncta peritus,
raptimque punctis dicta praepetibus sequi (ll. 21-24).
He had been in charge of a school for boys and sat
as a teacher of reading and writing with a great
throng around him, and he was skilled in putting
every word in short signs and following speech
quickly with swift pricks on the wax.
When Cassian refused to worship pagan gods, he was taken
from the classroom, and then handed over to those whom he
used to beat, donetur ipsis verberator parvulis (l. 38).
With the roles reversed, he now becomes the object of sport
to his pupils:
ut libet inludant, lacerent inpune manusque
tinguant magistri feriatas sanguine.
ludum discipulis volupe est ut praebeat ipse
doctor severus quos nimis coercuit. (ll. 39-42)
"Let them make sport of him as they please, give
them leave to mangle him at will, let them give
their hands a holiday and dip them in their
master's blood. It is a pleasant thought that the
strict teacher should himself furnish sport to the
pupils he has too much held down."
His former pupils hurl writing instruments at him, and as he
heroically encourages them to redouble their efforts, they
ironically describe themselves as paying him back in kind:
non potes irasci quod scribimus; ipse iubebas
numquam quietum dextera ut ferret stylum.... (ll. 73-74)
Exerce imperium, ius est tibi plectere culpam,
si quis tuorum te notavit segnius.
Talia ludebant pueri per membra magistra... (ll. 81-83)
"You cannot be angry with us for writing; it was
you who bade us never let our hand carry away an
idle style...Use your authority; you have power to
punish a fault, if any of your pupils has written
carelessly on you."
Cassian, however, is not the most satisfying rhetorical
hero, since the pupils, not the martyr, get to "play," and
they also get the last word in the exchange.
St. Lawrence offers a better model for the rhetor as
hero; in the iambic dimeters of Peristephanon II, play,
dogma, and literary self-consciousness combine to produce a
martyr with an unusual sensibility. At one point in the
poem, in response to a lengthy harangue against materialism
that Lawrence has just delivered, and which the saint has
supported by an allegorical reading of a group of beggars,
the angry prefect exclaims that he is being mocked :
"ridemur," exclamat fremens (furens A)
praefectus, "ac miris modis
per tot figuras ludimur:
et vivit insanum caput!
inpune tantas, furcifer,
strofas cavillo mimico
te nexuisse existimas,
dum scurra saltas fabulam?
Concinna visa urbanitas
tractare nosmet ludicris?
egon cachinnis venditus
acroma festivum fui? (ll. 313-324)
"He is mocking us," cries the prefect, mad with
rage, "making wonderful sport of us with all this
allegory. And yet the madman lives! Think you,
rascal, to get off with contriving such trickeries
with your comedian's quibbling and theatrical
buffoonery? Do you think it neat pleasantry to
make a butt of me? Have you made your guffaws out
of me and turned me into a merry pice of
entertainment?
That he is laughing at his tormentor becomes theatrically
clear, when, on the gridiron, Lawrence makes jokes well
enough to serve as Curtius' example of medieval kitchen
humor(37):
"converte partem corporis
satis crematum iugiter,
et fac periclum, quid tuus
Vulcanus ardens egerit."
praefectus inverti iubet.
tunc ille: "coctum est, devora,
et experimentum cape
sit crudum an assum suavius. (ll. 401-08)
"This part of my body has been burned long enough;
turn it round and try what your hot god of fire
has done." So the prefect orders him to be turned
about, and then, "It is done," says Lawrence; "eat
it up, try whether it is nicer raw or roasted."
Lawrence's sense of humor in this poem is one of the items
that offended Pierre de Labriolle(38): "St. Lawrence draws
an almost ludicrous parallel between physical ills and the
ills of the soul." The pun that Lawrence makes in the
following passage, referring to morbus regius (jaundice) as
the illness from which his judge suffers, is what
particularly offended LaBriolle:
tute ipsis, qui Romam regis,
contemptor aeterni Dei,
dum daemonum sordes colis,
morbo laboras regio. (ll. 261-64)
You yourself who rule over Rome, who despise the
everlasting God, worship foul devils, are
suffering from the ruler's sickness.
The ludic element appears again, though only briefly, in
the iambic dimeters of Peristephanon V, when saint Vincent
speaks of dying as a Christian sport:
tormenta carcer ungulae
stridensque flammis lammina
atque ipsa poenarum ultima
mors christianis ludus est (61-64).
Torture, imprisonment, the claws, the hissing
red-hot plate, even to the final suffering of
death, are all mere sport to Christians.
His persecutor picks up the motif:
inpune ne nostris sibi
dis destruendis luserit. (101-104)
He shall not get off with pulling down our gods
for his amusement.
Both the torture and the tortured, then, describe their
common activity as "play."
Prudentius' tendency to attribute a ludic quality to
elaborately amplified scenes of pain and violence is
responsible for producing most of the disapproval which
LaBriolle and others, particularly those primarily
interested in Christian dogma, have expressed. However,
piety and play are not necessarily exclusive categories, as
the work of Huizinga, Rahner, Suchomski, and others has
demonstrated(39).
In the poems of Prudentius, the sense of play embraces
several elements, including athletic contest, rhetorical
contest, and laughter. Saints are traditionally represented
as God's athletes, and, in his description of Romanus, John
Chrysostom compares the martyr's efforts to those of the
Olympic athlete(40). Jacques Fontaine's richly evocative
comment that the struggle of Jacob with the angel, "vaut
aussi pour toutes les formes de l'imaginaire dans la posie
de Prudence," may have even wider implications than Fontaine
intended(41). Brozek also likes the analogy, and uses it to
support his argument for Prudentius as the Christian
Pindar(42).
The sense of rhetorical contest is more complex. The
primary contest in Peristephanon X is the extensive attack
on pagan religion Romanus delivers in three lengthy speeches
to his tormentor Aesclepiades(43). At the same time,
Prudentius engages in a contest with the predominantly pagan
texts and traditions from which he derives his skill and
authority, but whose beliefs he as a Christian poet must
oppose. Neither contest can be won by the strength and
competence of an individual human being, since each is
designed to demonstrate the superior efficacy and truth of
Christianity(44).
The ludic elements also fit the doctrinal purpose. Play
involving laughter as well as competition was part of Roman
declamatory training, as S.F. Bonner suggests(45), but
laughter was also interpreted as an imitation of God's
divine play, in the texts of Gregory of Nazianus, Philo,
Clement of Alexandria, and Augustine(46). According to
Gregory, God the Word plays with the world:
The Holy Word plays; with colored pictures he
decorates the whole world.
In his attempt to explicate Genesis 26.8, Philo composes an
elaborate Platonic allegory on Abimelech's discovery of the
true nature of the relationship between Isaac and Rebecca:
Moses, at all events, holiest of men, shows us
that sport and merriment is the height of wisdom,
not the sport which children of all sorts indulge
in, paying no heed to good sense, but such as is
seen in those who are now becoming grey-headed not
only in respect of age but of thoughtfulness. Do
you not observe that when he is speaking of the
man who drew directly from the well of knowledge,
listening to no other, learning through no other,
resorting to no agency whatever, he does not say
that he had a part in laughter, but that he was
laughter itself? I am speaking of Isaac, whose
name means "laughter," and whom it well befits to
sport with "patient waiting." who is called in
Hebrew "Rebecca."(47)
The transaction among Isaac, Rebecca, and Abimelech provoked
Clement of Alexander to compose verses in which the
allegorical, or at least figural potential of laughter and
play is Christianized:
Oh, what wise child's-play. It is laughter
supported by patience, and the king is the
onlooker. Happy is the spirit of those who are
patient children in Christ. That is holy play.
The paradoxical combination of youth and wisdom articulated
by Clement seems analogous with the rhetorical topos, puer
senex, to which Curtius devotes considerable attention, and
which reappears vividly in the portrayal of the infant
martyr in Peristephanon X(48).
Prudentius participates in this sense of divine laughter,
which clearly has little to do with what we normally mean by
a sense of humor. For the Christian rhetorician, engaged in
a battle against the forces of darkness, laughter expresses
power, not pleasure, and therefore becomes both a weapon and
a sign of victory. Prudentius is also capable of turning
comic material to serious purposes. For example, if
Jean-Louis Charlet is correct in locating the source for the
phrase, cantilenae suaserint (Peristephanon X. 351), then
Prudentius turned a phrase Ausonius used for the mildest
kind of humor into part of Romanus' diatribe against pagan
religion(49). For the Christian rhetorician, as Peter von
Moos has suggested, "everything written is exploitable."(50)
However, to demonstrate the full range of Prudentius'
abilities to combine play, contest, violence, poetry, and
Christian doctrine, one must turn to the longest of the
poems in the Peristephanon, the 1140 iambic septenarii
devoted to Romanus, whom Eusebius(51) lists among those
martyred by Galerius at Antioch in 303 AD. A combination of
hagiography, polemic, diatribe, and lyric, Peristephanon X
has generated the most exasperation and disapproval among
its professional readers(52). "It is a strange mixture of a
poem, extended beyond reason, with anti-climactic results,
the clearest case in the Peristephanon that Prudentius could
fail to see that the half may be better than the whole."(53)
Charles Witke, perhaps the most tolerant of Prudentius'
American readers, suggests that the length and detail of
some of the texts, as well as, "his relish for grotesque
injury in the Peristephanon," account for the difficulties
readers have experienced(54). Prudentius' excess, then, is
the problem.
The answer to the problem lies in the subject matter and
the poet's relationship to it, as Prudentius indicates at
the beginning of Peristephanon X. Anticipating the major
miracle in the poem -- Romanus' ability to continue speaking
even after his tongue has been cut out -- Prudentius offers
an initial declaration of incompetence, which also provides
the first example in the poem of the poet's ability to make
a conventional topos into an integral part of the poem's
theme:
Romane, Christi fortis adsertor Dei,
elinguis oris organum fautor move,
largire comptum carmen infantissimo,
fac ut tuarum mira laudum concinam.
nam scis et ipse posse mutos eloqui. (ll. 1-5)
Romanus, stout defender of the divine Christ,
grant thy favour and stir up the tongue within my
speechless mouth, bountifully bestow graceful song
on the mutest of men and enable me to sing the
wonders of thy glory; for thou knowest, thyself
too, that the dumb can speak.
Prudentius now extends and complexifies the
inability-topos by combining it with what will become the
motif of milkiness, spiritali lacte, to reinforce the image,
begun in line 3 by infantissimo, of the poet as baby, a
figure that combines both innocence and incompetence:
sic noster haerens sermo lingua debili
balbutit et modis laborat absonis,
sed si superno rore respergas iecur
et spiritali lacte pectus inriges,
vox inpeditos rauca laxabit sonos. (ll. 11-15)
So my speech sticks and stammers with feeble
tongue and labours in inharmonious measures; but
if thou sprinkle my heart with the dew from on
high and flood my breast with the milk of the
spirit, my hoarse voice will unloose the sounds
which are now obstructed.
For the powerless, of course, Christ, potens facundiae, is
the solution; therefore Prudentius declares Christ to be his
tongue(55):
evangelista scripsit ipsum talia
praecepta Messian dedisse apostolis:
"nolite verba, cum sacramentum meum
erit canendum, providenter quaerere;
ego inparatis quae loquantur suggeram."
sum mutus ipse, sed potens facundiae
mea lingua Christus luculente disserent. (ll. 16-22)
The Evangelist has written that the Messiah
himself instructed the apostles in this wise:
"Seek not with forethought for words when my
mystic doctrine is to be proclaimed. I shall
furnish the unready with what they shall say." In
myself I am dumb, but Christ is master of
eloquence; he will be my tongue and discourse
excellently.
Here Prudentius turns part of Mathew X.18-19 into verse,
without giving the full message, which is made explicit in
Matthew X.20: Nos enim vos estis qui loquimini, sed
Spiritus Patris vestri qui loquitur in vobis.
The enemy in the perpetual contest is represented now by
the image of a wounded snake, suggested by the recollection
of the devil in the process of being defeated by Christ:
Sic vulneratus anguis ictu spiculi
ferrum remordet et dolore saevior
quassando pressis immoratur dentibus,
hastile fixum sed manet profundius
nec cassa sentit morsuum pericula. (ll. 26-30)
Just so a serpent wounded by stroke of spear-point
bites back at the steel and keeps on shaking it in
the grip of its teeth, growing more savage with
the pain, but the lance has pierced too deeply and
stays fast, unconscious of the futile danger of
the bites.
Perhaps no figure is more familiar in Christian doxologies
than that of the evil snake, however Prudentius' use of the
figure, in connection with the mouth, both in this poem and
in the Harmatigenia, has a special significance. It provides
a negative, perverse mirror image for the creative power of
the Logos(56). In the Hamartigenia, the image is
accompanied by what Prudentius represents as a perverse
sexual union by the vipers, whose oral method of
impregnation destroys the three-tongued male of the species:
Si licet ex ethicis quidquam praesumere vel si
de physicis exempli aliquid, sic vipera, ut aiunt,
dentibus emoritur fusae per viscera prolis,
mater morte sua, non sexu fertilis aut de
concubitu distenta uterum, sed cum calet igni
percita femineo, moriturum obscena maritum
ore sitit patulo. Caput inserit ille trilingue
coniugis in fauces atque oscula fervidus intrat
insinuanas oris coitu genitale venenum. (ll. 581-89)
If we may draw on the moralists for anything or
take an instance from natural history, it is thus,
the say, that the viper perishes by the teeth of
the progeny that is brought forth through her
flesh. She becomes a mother by her own death; she
does not bear her young by an organ of sex, nor
does her womb swell from inttercourse, but when
she burns with the excitement of the female's heat
the lewd beast opens her mouth wide in thrist for
a mate that is doomed. He puts his three-tongued
head into his spouse's jaws, eagerly entering her
alluring mouth and inserting his baneful seed by
an oral union.
At the moment of highest passion, the female decapitates the
male:
Nupta voluptatis vi saucia mordicus haustum
frangit amatoris blanda inter foedera guttur
infusaque bibit caro pereunte salivas. (ll. 190-192)
The bride, smitten with the strong pleasure, takes
her lover's head between her teeth and breaks his
neck with a bite in the middle of the fond
compact, drinking in the injected slaver while her
dear one dies.
The female, however, does not last long, but dies in the act
of giving birth, as her children tear her belly apart to
escape from her body. Prudentius continues the simile,
describing the soul imbibing evil from the devil, thereby
producing countless sins.
No such graphic scenes of copulation and birth occur in
Peristephanon X, but the matrix of serpents, sexuality, and
procreation recurs several times(57). The image of the
serpent reappears a few lines later, applied to Galerius
persecuting Christians with his "royal mouth":
haec ille serpens ore dictat regio...(l. 36)
It was the serpent that uttered these words by the
imperial lips...
Opposed to the royal mouth, however, Romanus defends
himself against Asclepiades, ore libero (l. 96), provoking
the king's representative to torture him. Because of
Romanus' rank, the rack cannot be used; instead he is
lashed. Romanus takes the event as material for an ex
tempore rhetorical display, in this case on the nature of
nobility of blood: generosa Christi secta nobilitat viros,
"it is Christ's noble teaching that enobles men" (l. 125).
Furthermore, Romanus asserts that the root of true nobility
begins, genealogically, Dei ab ore, from God's mouth, and he
urges his tormentor to continue the torture, to ennoble the
victim: incumbe membris, tortor, ut sim nobilis (l. 138).
Romanus continues to develop the topic(58), insisting that
all symbols of earthly nobility pass away:
Nonne cursim transeunt
fasces secures sella praetexta et toga
licta tribunal et trecenta insignia
quibus tumetis, moxque detumescitis? (ll. 142-146)
Do not they pass away quickly, the rods, the axes,
the chair of state, the bordered robe, the lictor,
the judgement-seat, and all the thousand badges of
honour on the strength of which you swell with
pride, and then fall flat?
At this point, Romanus begins attacking pagan religion as
ludicrous, not in the sense of holy play, but as vulgar and
absurd. The Lupercal, for example, where each celebrant runs
naked, like a slave, puellas verbere ictas ludicro (l.
165)(59), is vilissimum.
The sequence of nudity and women at least partially
generates the next part of Romanus' speech, an attack on the
sexual profligacy of pagan gods, their base progeny, and the
deceptions they practise on their deluded wives:
"Iubes, relictis patris et Christi sacris
ut tecum adorem feminas mille ac mares,
deas deosque deque sexu duplici,
natos nepotes abnepotes editos
et tot stuprorum sordidam prosapiam.
Nubunt puellae, saepe luduntur dolis,
amasionum conprimuntur fraudibus,
incesta feruent, furta moechorum calent,
fallit maritus, odit uxor paelicem,
deos catenae colligant adulteros. (176-185)
You bid me abandon the worship of the Father and
Christ, and along with you venerate a thousand
males nd females, goddesses and gods and children,
grandchildren, great-great-grandchildren of both
sexes born to them, and the base progeny of their
many unchastities. The girls marry, or often they
are made the sport of trickery and violted by
dishonest lovers, lewdness and stratagems of
paramours go briskly on, a husband is unfaithful
and a wife hates a mistress, chains bind
adulterous gods.
Plato, of course, had voiced the same misgivings about the
behavior of the Homeric gods, but Prudentius' Romanus goes
to much greater lengths, with much more specific detail. He
attacks the homosexuality of Apollo, who corrupted the young
while they were at play:
Delphosne pergam? set vetat
corrupta ephebi fama, quem vester deus
effeminavit gymnadis licentia. (ll. 189-90)
Shall I go to Delphi? No, I am forbidden by the
spoiled of the lad on the exercise-ground, whom
your god dishonoured, taking advantage of the
freedom of the wrestling-bout.
At this point Romanus also recalls that Apollo's lover
Hyacinth was accidentally killed while at play, occisum
gravi/ disco (ll. 191-192).
Moving from homosexuality to castration -- a topic to
which he returns towards the end of the poem, significantly,
after his tongue has been cut out -- Romanus cites the
emasculation of Attis (ll. 196 ff.) as another abhorrent
pagan myth:
an ad Cybebes ibo lucum pineum?
puer sed obstat gallus ob libidinem
per triste vulnus perque sectum dedecus
ab impudicae tutus amplexu deae,
per multa Matri sacra plorandus spado. (ll. 196-200)
Or shall I go to Cybebe's pinegrove? No, for there
stands in my way the lad who emasculated himself
because of her lust, and by a grievous wound
cutting the parts of shame saved himself from the
unchaste goddess's embrace.
From the sexual nightmare that anticipates his own
sacrificial act, Romanus turns to the ludicrous, adulterous
activities of Jupiter. In the theater, Romanus asserts,
Jupiter's actions are a source of laughter that has nothing
to do with what is sacred:
cygnus stuprator peccat inter pulpita,
saltat Tonantem tauricornem ludius;
spectator horum pontifex summus sedet
ridesque et ipse, nec negando diluis
cum fama tanti polluatur numinis. (ll. 221-25)
The ravisher swan does his evil deed on the stage,
a player dances the part of the Thunderer with the
bull's honrs, while you, the high priest, sit and
watch these things and laugh at them yourself, and
never discredit them by denying their truth,
though the good name of this great deity is
soiled.
The Roman stage offers Venus as a meretrix, (l. 228)
lustfully mourning for Adonis, Ganymede as a symbol of
Jove's perversity, Ceres searching for the daughter raped by
a divinity, and Hercules made into a ludibrium (l. 240) by
his passion(60).
Faunus, Priapus, nymphs at the bottom of frog-ponds,
divinitatis ius in algis vilibus (l. 245), all make laughter
a necessity:
nonne pulmonem movet
derisus istas intuens ineptias,
quas vinolentae somniis fingunt anus? (ll. 248-250)
Does not derisive laughter shake your sides at the
contemplation of these absurdities, the phantasies
of tipsy old wives' dreams?
Romanus continues his diatribe, attacking the absurd
worship of animals (ll. 256-258) and vegetables (ll.
259-60), as well as the practise of worshipping statues.
Developing the Biblical injunction against worshipping
statues, Romanus attacks pagan gods, because they are made
of metal utensils, "broken and melted":
Non eruescis, stulte, pago dedite,
te tanta semper perdisse obsonia,
quae dis ineptus obtulisti talibus,
quos trulla pelvis cantharus sartagines
fracta et liquata contulerunt vascula? (ll. 296-300)
Do you not blush, foolish man, devoted to pagan
worship, to think that you have always wasted all
those victuals that you have absurdly offered to
gods like these, made out of an assemblage of
ladles, basins, tankards, frying-pans, broken
vessels melted down?
Here he goes beyond Commodian, the "black sun"(61) of early
Christian poetry, who had reworked the Biblical injunction
into unscannable verse:
Nolite, inquid, adorare deos inanes
De manibus vestris factos ex ligno vel auro(62).
"Do not", he said, " worship empty gods made
by your own hands out of wood or gold."
Romanus now turns from ridiculing pagan religion to
deliver a sermon of almost one hundred lines on the nature
of true, Christian belief. In response to Romanus' tirade
and doxology, Asclepiades delivers a thirty-line declaration
of outrage, accusing Romanus of upholding a new-fangled
religion and of simultaneously violating political and
religious authority, ore foedans impio (l. 400).
When Aesclepiades threatens to make him pay with his
blood for refusing to honor the ancient gods, Romanus
refuses, and the soldiers plow lines in the saint's body
until the white bones show:
Scindunt utrumque milites taeterrimi
mucrone hiulco pensilis latus viri,
sulcant per artus longa tractim vulnera,
obliqua rectis, recta transversis secant
et iam retectis pectus albet ossibus. (ll. 451-55)
The foul soldiers cut both his sides with gashing
sword as he hangs, ploughing wounds in long lines
over his body and making criss-cross cuts, till
his breast shows white where the bones are laid
bare.
Claiming to feel no pain, Romanus continues to defy his
tormentors, arguing that what he feels is less than the pain
felt by those with fever, arthritis, gout, as well as less
painful than than that inflicted by doctors in their
attempts to cure physical ills. He describes in detail his
own torture and the medical practice of lancing, to prepare
for a kind of Socratic paradox by means of which the
torturer is the healer:
Putate ferrum triste chirurgos meis
inferre costis, quod secat salubriter.
Non est amarum quo reformatur salus.
Videntur isti carpere artus tabidos,
sed dant medellam rebus intus vividis. (ll. 501-505)
Fancy that the surgeons are putting the grim knife
to my ribs and it is cutting me for the good of my
health; that by which health is restored is not
vexatious. These men appear to be rending my
wasting limbs, but they give healing to the living
substance within.
Romanus now modulates to an attack on the flesh and its
pleasures, appealing to the carnifex to "heal" him by
leaving nothing for the devil to cut off: quod tyrannus
amputet (l. 520), continuing the motif of amputation(63).
Drawing from Isaiah xxiv.4, and Revelations vi.13-14, his
vision of the end of all things includes the vision of the
book:
quandoque caelum ceu liber plicabitur. (l. 536)
One day the heavens will be rolled up like a book.
In recognition of his opponent's rhetorical superiority,
Asclepiades becomes so angry that he wants to cut into
Romanus' very words:
verbositatis ipse rumpatur locus,
scaturrientes perdat ut loquacitas
sermonis auras perforatis follibus,
quibus sonandi nulla lex ponit modum;
ipsa et loquentis verba torqueri volo. (551-555)
"Shatter the seat of his verbosity, puncture the
bellows so that his loquacity may lose the gushing
winds of words, since no law puts a stop to their
sounding. I will have the very words tortured even
as he speaks."
After his face has been slashed, anticipating the remarks
Shakespeare's Antony makes at Caesar's funeral, Romanus
asserts that the results are in his favor, since the
multiple wounds give him multiple mouths:
grates tibi, o praefecte, magnas debeo,
quod multa pandens ora iam Christum loquor.
artabat ampli nominis praeconium
meatus unus, inpar ad laudes Dei. (ll. 562-565)
"Much thanks I owe to you, sir, because now I open
many mouth to speak of Christ. The single passage
used to restrict the publishing of his mighty
name; it was too little for the praises of God.
Romanus' supreme rhetorical ability to make something good
out of everything bad continues, when the increasingly
furious Asclepiades decides to burn his victim, to humiliate
him, as Christ was humiliated on the cross. Romanus takes
the cue, and argues that Christ's humiliation was a symbolic
act of sublimity; rather than new-fangled, it is eternal.
To prove the strength of his position, Romanus now asks
to examine a child, to hear from the harmless infant's
"milky mouth" the truth of Christianity:
...ardens experiri innoxiam
lactantis oris indolem (ll. 666-67)...
...desiring strongly to make trial of the
innocent suckling's native thought...
Asclepiades agrees, and orders a child, nec olim lacte
depulsum brought forth to be examined(64). Paradigmatically
pious, the child gives the answers which Prudentius tells us
were imbibed at his mother's twin fountains:
ego, ut gemellis uberum de fontibus
lac parvus hausi, Christum et hausi credere (684-685)
And I in drinking as a babe the milk from the twin
founts of her breasts drank in also the belief in
Christ.
Infuriated once again, Asclepiades orders that the child be
beaten; when the child cries out with thirst, he is
castigated by his mother, in whose speech the motif of milk
reappears, now mingled with blood and honey, in a passage
that recalls both for the child and for the readers of the
poem, the Massacre of the Innocents:
Hic hic bibendus, nate, nunc tibi est calix,
mille in Bethleem quem biberunt parvuli;
oblita lactis et papillarum immemor
aetas amaris, mox deinde dulcibus
refecta poclis mella sumpsit sanguinis. (ll. 736-40)
This, this, my son, is the cup you now must drink.
A thousand little ones in Bethlehem drank of it;
forgetting their milk, with no thought of the
breast, their life was restored by bitter cups
that turned to sweet, partaking of blood that was
changed into honey.
Adressing him now as fortis puer, she reminds him that he
has also received sapientia, as she weaves the ludic motif
together with the idea of sacrifice, reminding the child
that his play was learning Christian doctrine. In the
Bible, she reminds him, Isaac stretching his neck at the
altar prepared by his father is the major model for infant
sacrifice:
Scis, saepe dixi, cum docenti adluderes
et garrulorum signa verborum dares,
Isaac fuisse parvulum patri unicum,
qui, cum immolandus aram et ensem cerneret,
ultro sacranti colla praebuerit seni. (ll. 746-750)
You know, for I have often told you, when you used
to turn my lessons into play and prattle sounds
that stood for words, that Isaac was a little boy,
his father's only child, and how, when he was to
be sacrificed and saw the altar and the sword, of
his own will he stretched out his neck to the old
man who was making the offering.
Her next Biblical illustration is taken from II Maccabees
vii, where children again died before their mother's
eyes(65). Like a typical Prudentian speaker, she provides
specific, graphic detail for the "contest," certamen (l.
753), which she paraphrases:
Comam cutemque verticis revulserat
a fronte tortor, nuda testa ut tegmine
cervicem adusque dehonestaret caput.... (ll. 761-763)
The torturer tore away the hair and skin of the
head from the brow backwards, so that the bare
skull uncovered down to the neck should dishonour
it.
Anticipating Romanus' own fate, the child's mother
describes the amputation of the tongue of one of the
Biblical martyrs, allowing the Maccabean mother to compose
an encomiastic series of apostrophes to the the tongue,
culminating in addressing the tongue as redemptrix prima
membrorum omnium, an analogue for Christ himself:
Linguam tyrannus amputari iusserat
uni ex ephebis; mater aiebat: 'Satis
iam parta nobis gloria est, pars optima
deo immolatur ecce nostri corporis,
digna est fidelis lingua, quae sit hostia.
Interpres animi, enuntiatrix sensuum,
cordis ministra, praeco operti pectoris,
prima offeratur in sacramentum necis
et sit redemptrix prima membrorum omnium. (ll. 765-774)
The oppressor commanded the tongue of one of the
young lads to be cut out, and his mother said:
"Now we have won glory enough, for lo, the best
part of our body is being sacrificed to God. The
faithful tongue is worthy to be an offering. The
mind's spokesman, which declares our sentiments,
the heart's servant, which proclaims the silent
thoughts of our breast, let it be offered first
for the celebration of the mystery of death, and
be the first to redeem all the members.
Responsive to his mother's exhortation, laetus, the child
laughs at the blows that fall upon him, provoking
Asclepiades to torture and decapitate him. As the
executioner strikes her baby's neck, the blood pours over
his ecstatic mother, and the docta mulier sings Psalm
CXV.6-7 (CXVI.15-16 AV), then catches the blood (ll.
841-845) and
palpantis oris exciperet globum. (l. 844)
In an ironic reworking of the motif of milk, then, the
maternal flow undergoes a grim reversal, and the pectoris
nectar (l. 783) is returned as a flood of blood(66). The
child, then, is the ultimate puer senex, a Christ-like
martyr, whose mother, like Mary, is left with the remains of
her son; unlike Mary, however, she is left not with the
body, but with the blood of her son.
The death of the child may also be an example of the
contest with pagan texts in which Prudentius imagined
himself to be engaged, if the scene is regarded as an
attempt to "correct" a scene in Statius Thebaid. Mourning
the death of the infant Opheltes, killed by a snake,
Hypsipyle describes her milk as a barren, unfortunate rain
falling from her breasts upon the dead child's wounds, and
she attributes the calamity to the gods:
sic equidem luctus solabar et ubera parvo
iam materna dabam, cui nunc venit inritus orbae
lactis et infelix in vulnera liquitur imber.
nosco Deos... (V.617-620).
For so indeed did I console my griefs, and gave
the babe a mother's breasts, where now in my
bereavement the milk flows in vain and falls in
barren drops upon thy wounds. 'Tis the gods' work
I see..(67).
Where Hypsipyle blames the gods, Prudentius' Christian
mother thanks the one God, in an example of intertextuality
that anticipates Dante's use of Rifeo to correct Vergil's
diis aliter visum(68).
Prudentius now returns to Romanus' predicament. When the
pyre being prepared for him is extinguished by rain,
Asclepiades becomes enraged that his victim seems to be
turning punishment into play:
"Quousque tandem summus hic nobis magus
inludet", inquit, "Thessalorum carmine
poenam peritus vertere in ludibrium?" (ll. 868-870)
"How long," he asked, "is this great sorcerer to
make game of us through his skill in turning
punishment to mockery with a Thessalian spell?
If quousque tandem is intended to invoke the opening of the
first oration against Catiline, then Cicero is both invoked
and defeated in this passage, since Asclepiades in the
analogy is parallel to the most famous Roman orator. If the
suggestion that Romanus is parallel to Catiline weakens the
impulse to draw the parallel, however, the saint's ability
to speak after his tongue is cut out may rekindle the
enthusiasm. Since Cicero, in the process of being
assassinated, said nothing after losing his tongue, the
comparison with Romanus' tongueless performance suggests
that the Christian speaker is superior.
Prudentius continues to ring the changes on the motif of
dismemberment; Asclepiades now expresses the desire to kill
Romanus as many times as his victim has members. To carry
out his wishes in a responsible, professional manner, he
summons a medicus, who undertakes, as his first assignment,
the task of amputating Romanus' tongue. Prudentius focuses
sharply on the extended tongue, on the scalpel as it cuts,
on the tissue being torn, and on Romanus' Stoic ability to
resist clenching his teeth or swallowing the blood:
Linguam deinde longe ab ore protrahens
scalpellum in usque guttur insertans agit.
Illo secante fila sensim singula
numquam momordit martyr aut os dentibus
conpressit artis nec cruorem sorbuit. (ll. 901-905)
Then drawing the tongue far out from the mouth he
puts his lancet inside, right down to the gullet.
While he was gradually cutting the filaments one
by one, the martyr never bit nor let his teeth
meet to close his mouth, nor swallowed blood.
The amputated tongue was a hagiographical commonplace(69),
which Prudentius also uses in the recollection of II.
Maccabees vii that occurs in Peristephanon V:
Num Maccabei martyris
linguam tyrannus erutam
raptamve pellem verticis
avibus cruentis obtulit. (ll. 533-536)
Did the oppressor offer the Maccabean martyr's
tongue to bloodthirsty birds after it was plucked
out, or the skin of the head after it was torn
out?
However, the amputated tongue was also a commonplace in
the literature of pagan philosopher-martyrs. Zeno of Elia
mutilates his inquisitor, the tyrant Nearchus, by biting off
either his ear or his nose, then biting off his own tongue
and spitting it at his tormentor, in return for which he is
pounded to death in a mortar. Diogenes Laertius tells
roughly the same story about Anaxarchus(70).
Since the pagan martyrs with whom Romanus, in a sense, is
competing, cut out their own tongues, and since Romanus
denounces self-mutilators twice in the poem, another
correction of a pagan notion may be taking place here
also(71).
Romanus, however, kingly in the purple of his own blood,
without a tongue in his head, speaks on (ll. 926 ff.),
explaining that this miraculous speech is a gift of the
creator, who can change the laws of nature, since he who
established them may violate them at will. Furthermore,
Romanus' ability to speak after his own tongue has been cut
out reinforces the validity of the miracles Christ performed
in biblical times:
Habet usitatum munus hoc divinitas,
quae vera nobis colitur in Christo et patre,
mutis loquellam, percitum claudis gradum,
surdis fruendam reddere audientiam,
donare caecis lucis insuetae diem.
Haec si quis amens fabulosa existimat,
vel ipse tute si parum fidelia
rebare pridem, vera cognoscas licet.
Habes loquentem, cuius amputaveras
linguam. Probatis cede iam miraculis. (ll. 951-960)
It is a familiar power of the true divine nature
which we worship in Christ and the Father, to
restore speech to the dumb, a quick step to the
lame, the benefit of hearing to the deaf, and give
to the blind the unwonted light of day. If any man
is fool enough to think these things are fabulous,
or if you yourself formerly judged them unworthy
of belief, you kay learn that they are real: you
have here a man speaking after you have cut his
tongue out. Yield now to miracles you have proved.
Cede infuriates Asclepiades yet once more; instead of
yielding, however, he attacks the incompetence of the doctor
who performed the mutilation. The doctor replies that
Asclepiades should look for himself, and asks for a test pig
upon whom to perform a repetition of the operation. When
Asclepiades asks whether the blood that he saw was truly
that of Romanus, the saint insists that the blood is his
own, Meus iste sanguis verus est, non bubulus (1007). Blood
now becomes a topic to be amplified, and he proceeds to
compose an attack on pagan blood-letting rites of
initiation.
First he attacks the taurobolium, with a graphic
description of the slaughtered ox and the priest who stands
below the bleeding animal, bathing in the blood and drinking
the dark gore as it rains upon his tongue:
Quin os supinat, obvias offert genas,
supponit aures, labra nares obicit,
oculos et ipsos perluit liquoribus,
nec iam palato parcit et linguam rigat,
donec cruorem totus atrum conbibat. (ll. 1036-1040)
Laying his head back he even puts his cheeks in
the way, placing his ears under it, exposing lips
and nostrils, bathing his very eyes in the stream,
not even keeping his mouth from it but wetting his
tongue, until the whole of him drinks in the dark
gore.
Prudentius' Romanus scornfully describes the blood-smeared
priest standing before the devotees of Mithras and the Magna
Mater, an absurd object of worship, visu horridus (l. 1043),
and then proceeds to attack hecatombs, centena ferro cum
cadunt animalia, when so many animals are slaughtered that
the worshippers seem in danger of drowning in blood:
vix ut cruentis augures natatibus
possint meare per profundum sanguinis. (ll. 1054-55)
So that the augurs almost have to swim to make
their way through the sea of blood?
Modulating from this sardonic attack on mutilating
animals, Romanus turns to self-mutilation, attacking the
pagan practice of castration, extending his earlier diatribe
against the ritual (ll. 196 ff.) with a routine on the
indeterminancy of the resultant sexuality:
ast hic metenda dedicat genitalia,
numen reciso mitigans ab inguine
offert pudendum semivir domum deae;
illam revulsa masculini germinis
vena effluenti pascit auctam sanguine.
uterque sexus sanctitati displicet,
medium retentat inter alternum genus,
mas esse cessat ille, nec fit femina.
felix deorum mater inberbes sibi
parat ministros levibus novaculis. (1066-1075)
Another makes the sacrifice of his genitals;
appeasing the goddess by mutilating his loins, he
unmans himself and offers her a shameful gift; the
source of the man's seed is torn away to give her
food and increase through the flow of blood. Both
sexes are displeasing to her holiness, so he keeps
a middle gender between the two, ceasing to be a
man without becoming a woman. The Mother of the
Gods has the happiness of getting herself
beardless minsters with a well-ground razor!
Now almost at the end of his final diatribe, Romanus
attacks the practice of branding the body with burning
needles, a lesser form of self-mutilation, but one whose
absurdity permits Romanus to return to the ludic motif, in
this case offering the practice as evidence of demonic
delusion:
Has ferre poenas cogitur genitilitas,
hac di coercent lege cultores suos.
Sic daemon ipse ludit hos quos ceperit,
docet execrandas ferre contumelias,
tormenta inuri mandat infelicibus. (ll. 1086-1090)
Such are the sufferings pagans are compelled to
bear, such the law their gods impose on their
worshippers; this is how the devil himself makes
sport of those whom he has taken captive, teaching
them to suffer accursed indignities and ordaining
that marks of torture be branded on his luckless
victims.
Asclepiades now orders him to prison, giving specific
instructions to strangle Romanus by breaking his windpipe:
Aliter silere nescit oris garruli
vox inquieta quam turba si fregero. (ll. 1104-05):
"The restless voice in your chattering mouth can
only be silenced if I break its pipe="
As the poem moves towards its conclusion, images of books
return; Prudentius asserts that Asclepiades sent written
documents, chartulis vivacibus, as a report of his
proceedings against Romanus to the emperor, but time has
decayed them; Christ's page, however, is immortal, and
Romanus' martyrdom is recorded for ever in regestis ...
caelestibus.
At the end of the poem, as he had at the beginning of the
poem, Prudentius calls upon Romanus for assistance, in a
version of the humility-topos, this time not to aid him to
speak, but to become an analogue for the the Word itself. He
says that Romanus' prayer could change him from a goat to a
lamb, from the abhorrent animal, the pagan "scapegoat," to
the sacred Christian animal, the agnus Dei, i.e.,