Winter 2003  Third Series, vol. 10, no. 3  
   
 
 
 
 
 
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EDITOR IN CHIEF

 

Herbert Golder

 

EDITORIAL BOARD

 

Robert Alter

D.S. Carne-Ross

Anne Carson

Diskin Clay

Peter Green

Victor Davis Hanson

Frank Kermode

B.M.W. Knox

Alasdair MacIntyre

Glenn W. Most

Alexander Nehamas

Martha Nussbaum

David Rosand

Stanley Rosen

Vincent Scully

Oliver Taplin

 

MANAGING EDITOR

 

Nicholas Poburko

Cults and Cosmic Consciousness:

Religious Vision in the American 1960s*

           

CAMILLE PAGLIA

Click Here to View .pdf Version (Recommended)            

  1. Eclipse by Politics
  2. Cults Ancient and Modern
  3. New Messiahs and Cultural Polarization
  4. Transcendentalism and Asian Religion
  5. American Strains of Asian Religion in the Twentieth Century
  6. Hinduism and 1960s Music
  7. Psychedelic Drugs
  8. Mysticism and Social Change
  9. The Rise of New Age
  10. Conclusion

        

1. Eclipse by Politics

                     

            Commentary on the 1960s has been massive. Law and politics in that turbulent decade are well documented but remain controversial, and the same thing can be said of contemporary innovations in mass media and the arts. One major area remains ambiguous or poorly assimilated, however-the new religious vision, which for a tantalizing moment in the American sixties brought East and West together in a progressive cultural synthesis. Its promise was never completely fulfilled, for reasons I will try to sketch here. But the depth and authenticity of that spiritual shift need to be more widely acknowledged.            

            A political model currently governs interpretations of the sixties because of the enduring reform movements born in that period, including environmentalism, feminism, and gay liberation. Their mobilizing energy, as well as the organizational style that would also be adopted by antiwar protests, initially came from the civil rights movement sparked by the US Supreme Court's 1954 decision declaring segregation in public schools unconstitutional. In that crusade, it must be remembered, ordained Protestant ministers such as Martin Luther King, Jr., played a leading role, as they also had in nineteenth-century abolitionism. The civil rights movement, with its hymns and anthems, appealed not just to secular standards of social justice but to a higher moral code.

            Political expression on the Left in the American sixties was split. Radical activists such as Students for a Democratic Society (1960-68) drew their ideology from Marxism, with its explicit atheism. But demonstrations with a large hippie contingent often mixed politics with occultism-magic and witchcraft along with costumes and symbolism drawn from Native American religion, Hinduism, and Buddhism. For example, at the mammoth antiwar protest near Washington, DC, in October 1967, Yippies performed a mock-exorcism to levitate the Pentagon and cast out its demons. Not since early nineteenth-century Romanticism had there been such a strange mix of revolutionary politics with ecstatic nature-worship and sex-charged self-transformation. It is precisely this phantasmagoric religious vision that distinguishes the New Left of the American 1960s from the Old Left of the American 1930s and from France's failed leftist insurgency of 1968, both of which were conventionally Marxist in their indifference or antagonism to religion.

            Members of the sixties counterculture were passionately committed to political reform, yet they were also seeking the truth about life outside religious and social institutions. Despite their ambivalence toward authority, however, they often sought gurus-mentors or guides, who sometimes proved fallible. One problem was that the more the mind was opened to what was commonly called "cosmic consciousness" (a hippie rubric of the sixties), the less meaningful politics or social structure became, melting into the Void. Civil rights and political reform are in fact Western ideals: Hinduism and Buddhism, by extinguishing the ego and urging acceptance of ultimate reality, see suffering and injustice as essential conditions of life that cannot be changed but only endured. Alteration of consciousness-"blowing your mind"-became an end or value in itself in the sixties. Drugs remade the Western world-view by shattering conventions of time, space, and personal identity. Unfortunately, revelation was sometimes indistinguishable from delusion. The neurological risks of long-term drug use were denied or underestimated: the most daring sixties questers lost the ability to articulate and transmit their spiritual legacy to posterity.

            The source material in this area is voluminous but uneven in quality, partly because sixties chronicles at their most colorful often rely on anecdote and hearsay. Hence, much of the present essay is provisional. My aim is to trace lines of influence and to suggest historical parallels-an overview that might aid teachers in the US and abroad who are interested in developing interdisciplinary courses about the sixties.

           

2. Cults Ancient and Modern

           

            Tens of thousands of young people in the American sixties drifted or broke away from parents to explore alternative world-views and lifestyles. A minority actually joined communes or cults. These varied in philosophy and regime from the mild to the extreme. The true cults that proliferated in the American sixties and early seventies resemble those of the Hellenistic and imperial Roman eras. Such phenomena are symptoms of cultural fracturing in cosmopolitan periods of rapid expansion and mobility. Consisting of small groups of the disaffected or rootless, cults are sects that may or may not evolve into full religions. Hence, the cult phenomenon even at its most bizarre demonstrates the sociological dynamic of the birth of religions, as they flare up, coalesce, and strengthen or sputter out and vanish. A cult is a foster family that requires complete severance from past connections-kin, spouses, friends. Membership in cults may begin with a sudden conversion experience where an individual feels that ultimate truth has been glimpsed. This may lead to zealotry, the conviction that the cult view is the only possible view, which therefore must be promulgated to the benighted or is too refined to be understood by others. A persecution complex and siege mentality may result: cult members feel that the world is the enemy and that only martyrdom will vindicate their faith.

            During the Hellenistic and imperial Roman periods, transnational mystery religions competed with the established state religions of the Olympian or civic gods, whose official worship was public and often located in city centers. The mammoth dissemination of Olympian images in sculptures and artifacts has resulted in Greco-Roman religion, from the excavation of Rome at the Renaissance, being portrayed by neoclassicism as stabler or more uniform than it was. Mystery religions, which generally produced fewer and less monumental stone or chryselephantine idols, offered personal salvation through initiation into an enlightened group bound by some special secret, often involving the promise of an afterlife, a recompense for present miseries. Hence mystery religions had great appeal to the powerless and dispossessed.

            The major Mediterranean mystery religions-of Dionysus, Demeter, Isis, and Mithras-anticipated, influenced, or vied with Christianity. Compared to the sometimes dryly contractual veneration of the Olympians, mystery religion was characterized by a worshipper's powerful identification with and emotional connection to the god. Christianity, based on the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth, one of many itinerant preachers in Palestine, emerged from a proliferation of splinter sects in Judaism, among which were the Essenes, who left the famous Dead Sea Scrolls in jars found just after World War II in caves near Qumran in Israel. The Essenes, ascetic and celibate hermits with an apocalyptic theology, were a cult by any modern definition. The American sixties, I submit, had a climate of spiritual crisis and political unrest similar to that of ancient Palestine, then under Roman occupation. But this time the nascent religions faltered under the pitiless scrutiny of modern media. Few prophets or messiahs could survive the deglamourizing eye of the invasive TV camera.

            Yet a major source of cultic energies in twentieth-century America was the entertainment industry: the Hollywood studio system, cohering during and just after World War I, projected its manufactured stars as simulacra of the pagan pantheon. Frenzied fans (a word derived from the Latin fanatici, for maddened worshippers of Cybele) had already been generated by grand opera in the late-seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when castrati sang female roles and were the dizzy object of coterie speculation and intrigue. Modern mass media immensely extended and broadened that phenomenon. Outbursts of quasi-religious emotion could be seen in the hysterical response of female fans to Rudolph Valentino, Frank Sinatra, Elvis Presley, and the Beatles. Eroticism mixed with death is archetypally potent: there were nearly riots by distraught mourners after Valentino's death from a perforated ulcer at age thirty-one in 1926. The rumor that Elvis lives is still stubbornly planted in the culture, as if he were a demigod who could conquer natural law. Tabloids have touted Presley's canonization as the first Protestant saint. The same myth of surviving death is attached to rock star Jim Morrison, whose Paris grave has become a magnet for hippies of many nations.

            Cultism of this demonstrative kind is persistently associated with androgynous young men, half sweet, half surly, who like Adonis are sometimes linked with mother figures. Presley, for example, sank into depression and never fully recovered from his mother's unexpected death at age forty-six in 1958; after long substance abuse, he died prematurely at age forty-two in 1977. Rock music, even at its most macho, has repeatedly produced pretty, long-haired boys who mesmerize both sexes and who hauntingly resemble ancient sculptures of Antinous, the beautiful, ill-fated youth beloved by the Roman emperor Hadrian. It's no coincidence that it was Paul McCartney, the "cutest" and most girlish of the Beatles, who inspired a false rumor that swept the world in 1969 that he was dead. Beatles songs and album covers were feverishly scrutinized for clues and coded messages: I myself contributed to this pandemonium by calling a New Haven radio station to identify mortuary lines from King Lear submerged in the climactic cacophony of "I am the Walrus." In cultic experience, death is sexy. The hapless McCartney had become Adonis, the dying god of fertility myth who was the epicene prototype for the deified Antinous: after Antinous drowned in the Nile in 130 AD, the grief-stricken Hadrian had him memorialized in shrines all over the Mediterranean, where ravishing cult statues often showed the pensive youth crowned with the grapes and vines of Dionysus.

            The evangelical fervor felt by many heretical young people in the 1960s was powered by rock music, which at that moment was becoming an art form. The big beat came from late-forties and fifties African-American rhythm and blues. But the titanic, all-enveloping sound of rock was produced by powerful, new amplification technology that subordinated the mind and activated the body in a way more extreme than anything seen in Western culture since the ancient Roman Bacchanalia. Through the sensory assault of that thunderous music, a whole generation tapped into natural energies, tangible proof of humanity's link to the cosmos.

            "Flower power," the pacifist sixties credo, was a sentimentalized, neo-Romantic version of earth cult, which underlay the ancient worship of Dionysus. In the Bacchae, Euripides saw nature's frightful, destructive side, but that perception was gradually lost over time. Bacchanalia is the Latin term for the Dionysian ritual orgia (root of the English word "orgy"), where celebrants maddened by drink, drugs, and wildly rhythmic music went into ecstasy (ecstasis, "standing outside of"), abandoning or transcending their ordinary selves. Hence the association of Dionysus (called Lusios, the "Liberator") with theater. The Bacchanalia arrived in Southern Italy from Greece in the fifth century BC and eventually spread to Rome. Celebrants decked with myrtle and ivy danced to flutes and cymbals through city parks and woods in festivities that became notorious for open sexual promiscuity and opportunistic crime. After repeated outbreaks following the Second Punic War, the Bacchanalia were declared a threat to public order and officially suppressed by the Roman Senate in 186 BC. But their influence persisted, as attested by Dionysian designs on sarcophagi and the walls of private villas. In the ruins of Pompeii, the hedonistic resort destroyed by a volcanic eruption in 79 AD, there is evidence that the Bacchanalia had evolved into private sex clubs. This process of secularization, where sex divorced from cosmology becomes permissively recreational, can also be seen in the transition from the hippie sixties to the manic seventies and early eighties: sex detached from Romantic nature cult withdrew to glitzy urban discos, bathhouses, and sex clubs like Plato's Retreat.

           

3. New Messiahs and Cultural Polarization

           

            What we think of as the 1960s was really concentrated into the half-dozen years after the assassination of John F. Kennedy in 1963. Cultural changes exploded and burnt themselves out with tremendous speed. The religious impulse of the sixties has been obscured by a series of scandals that began mid-decade and spilled into the seventies-communes that failed, charismatic leaders who turned psychotic, cults that ended in crime and murder. The sensational chain of events began with the dismissal in 1963 of Timothy Leary and his colleague Richard Alpert from psychology lectureships at Harvard for experimenting with LSD on student volunteers. This episode first brought LSD to public attention. An Irish Catholic turned self-described prophet, Leary envisioned a world network of "psychedelic churches" whose Vatican would be his League for Spiritual Discovery (acronym: LSD), headquartered in Millbrook, New York, until it was closed after a 1966 police raid led by Dutchess County assistant prosecutor G. Gordon Liddy. Though registered as a religious institution, the League was noted for its sex parties-reportedly a frequent attraction of Leary's Harvard offices as well.

            The optimistic sixties saga degenerated into horrifying incidents of group psychology gone wrong. Most notorious is the case of Charles Manson, a drifter who became a fixture of San Francisco's Haight-Ashbury district during its famous 1967 "Summer of Love" and who gathered a group of fanatical devotees, hippie girls who thought he was both Jesus Christ and the devil. Though only 5'2" tall, Manson had hypnotic powers as a cult leader. He became patriarch of the "Family," a commune on a ranch near Los Angeles where heavy use of a cornucopia of drugs was promoted and ritualistic group sex practiced. A student of the Bible, Manson believed that the Book of Revelations prophesied the Beatles: modern pop culture, in other words, had an apocalyptic religious meaning. In August 1969, Manson dispatched a hit squad to slaughter seven people in two nights, including the actress Sharon Tate, living in a rented house in the Hollywood Hills. The details still shock: in jailhouse confessions, Manson's girls boasted of the "sexual release" they felt in their Maenadic frenzy as they plunged their knives into their victims. Tate, eight months pregnant, was stabbed sixteen times and a male companion fifty-one times.

            By the seventies, cults seemed increasingly psychopathic. Radical political cells like the bomb-making Weathermen or the Symbionese Liberation Army, who kidnapped Patty Hearst in 1974 and whose emblem was a talismanic seven-headed cobra, began to merge in popular perception with nominally religious groups like Jim Jones' People's Temple, whose mostly black congregation was drawn from San Francisco at the height of the hippie era. Jones was a social worker and political activist who claimed to be the reincarnation of Jesus, Buddha, Ikhnaten, and Lenin and who eventually emigrated with his followers to a commune called Jonestown in the Guyana jungle. After a shootout that killed a visiting US Congressman in 1978, Jones ordered mass suicide by cyanide-laced punch: 914 people were found dead, including 280 children.

            In the nineties, interest in the swinging sixties revived among curious young people at the same time as an acrimonious debate about the sixties legacy intensified with the election of the first baby-boom president, Bill Clinton. Thus, a coincidental upsurge of cult incidents also triggered memories of the Manson era. In 1993, a Christian commune of Branch Davidians near Waco, Texas, was destroyed by fire, with the loss of eighty-one lives, after a four-month siege by agencies of the federal government. The Davidians were a branch of Seventh-Day Adventists with roots in the 1930s. Their leader, David Koresh, called himself "Yahweh" and kept a harem. In 1997, thirty-nine bodies, all wearing Nike sneakers and draped in purple shrouds, were found in a house near San Diego, California. An obscure cult led by Marshall Applewhite, the son of a Presbyterian minister, had committed mass suicide in the expectation of ascent to heaven, signaled by the Hale-Bopp comet. The cult followed a strict code of celibacy: Applewhite and seven other men had been surgically castrated to avoid homosexual temptation.

            These sensational cases further distorted and distanced the religious dimension of the sixties. Though there are cults abroad-the Armageddon-style Solar Temple that resulted in fifty-three suicides in Switzerland in 1994 or the Aum Shinrykyo group who released sarin gas in the Tokyo subway in 1995, killing twelve and injuring five thousand-it is primarily in American culture that the sixties drama of idealism and disillusion has been played out. The sixties lost credibility through their own manifest excesses, which produced the counterreaction of Christian fundamentalism. The American evangelical and pentecostal movements, already stirring again in the early sixties, gained great momentum. In 1968, Richard Nixon won the White House on a law-and-order platform; by 1976, a "born-again" Southern Baptist, Jimmy Carter, was elected president.

            The sixties were the breeding ground for the depressingly formulaic political and cultural pattern of the last thirty-five years-a rigid polarization of liberals and conservatives, with each group striking predictable postures and mouthing sanctimonious platitudes. Gradations of political thought have been lost. One reason is that liberals have shown continual disrespect for religion, thereby allowing conservatives to take the high road and claim to be God's agents in defending traditional values. Liberals have forgotten the religious ferment on the Left in the sixties, so that progressive politics has too often become a sterile instrument of government manipulation, as if social-welfare agencies and federal programs could bring salvation. Memories of the sixties have been censored out of embarrassment, since the flakiest of sixties happenings seemed to delegitimize the period's political ideals.

            On the other hand, it could be argued that there are traces of sixties religiosity in the liberalism of recent decades. An obvious example is the Arcadian matriarchal myth of "the Goddess" that emerged in feminism and lesbian separatism in the seventies and still flourishes in innumerable books still in print. A second example is the puritanical feminist ideology typified in the eighties by Catharine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin, who allied with far-right Christians in an anti-pornography crusade that threatened First Amendment liberties. With its ironclad dogma and inquisitional style, the "political correctness" of the eighties should be regarded as a cult that brainwashed even sophisticated journalists until their deprogramming in the pro-sex nineties. A third example is poststructuralism, which infested American humanities departments from the late seventies through the mid-nineties: the uncritical academic adulation of Jacques Derrida, Jacques Lacan, and Michel Foucault was an insular and self-referential cult that treated pointlessly cryptic texts as Holy Writ.

            Religion has always been central to American identity: affiliation with or flight from family faith remains a primary term of our self-description. America, of course, began in religious dissidence: many early Northeastern colonists, such as the Pilgrims, were seventeenth-century Separatists who had seceded from the Church of England. Psychic repressions perhaps produced by Protestant rationalism and intolerance of dissent among the Massachusetts Puritans erupted in the Salem witch-trials (1692), whose lurid imagery of sex and demonism oddly resembles that of modern popular culture. The compulsive cycle of sexual license and puritan backlash remains a deep-seated pattern in American culture.

            The 1960s' combination of spirituality with progressive politics was prefigured by the reformist world-view of the Quakers (the Religious Society of Friends), who emigrated to America in the seventeenth century after persecution in England. The Quakers rejected materialism, authority, and hierarchy and espoused pacifism, social activism, sexual egalitarianism, and liberty of conscience. The Shakers (a slang term that described their ecstatic transports) were English Quakers who emigrated to America for religious freedom in the late eighteenth century. Nineteenth-century Shaker communities were known for their code of celibacy and communal property as well as their plain style of furniture and crafts that would influence minimalist modern design.

            The Mennonites, another sect in search of religious freedom, were Dutch and Swiss Anabaptists who fled to Germany and then to America in the late seventeenth century. Their most conservative branch, the Amish, still live in rural central Pennsylvania and reject electricity, automobiles, and contemporary clothing. The most successful of America's nonconformist sects, Mormonism (the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints), was founded by a self-proclaimed prophet, Joseph Smith, in upstate New York in 1830 and eventually found refuge in Utah. (The Mormons clashed with the federal government in 1852 when they adopted the Old Testament practice of polygamy, later renounced.) There were many, short-lived utopian communities in the nineteenth century, such as Brook Farm (1841-47) and the "new Eden" of Fruitlands (1843-44), both established by Transcendentalists in Massachusetts. In Central New York, the Oneida Community (1848-81) were Christian Perfectionists who advocated communal property and open marriage.

            Hence the religious dissidence and secessionist tendencies of the 1960s were simply a new version of a long American tradition. The decade's politics loom large partly because demonstrations, unlike inner journeys, were photographable and indeed often staged for the camera. Today's young people learn about the sixties through a welter of video clips of JFK's limousine in Dallas, Vietnamese firefights, and hippies draped in buckskin and love beads. Furthermore, the most fervent of the decade's spiritual questers followed Timothy Leary's advice to "Turn on, tune in, and drop out" and removed themselves from career tracks and institutions, which they felt were too corrupt to reform. The testimony of those radical explorers of inner space has largely been lost: they ruined their minds and bodies by overrelying on drugs as a shortcut to religious illumination.

            The absence of those sixties seekers from the arena of general cultural criticism can be seen in the series of unresolved controversies in the last two decades over the issue of blasphemy in art. With the triumph of avant-garde modernism by the mid-twentieth century, few ambitious young artists would dare to show religious work. Though museum collections are rich with religious masterpieces from the Middle Ages through the nineteenth century, major American museums and urban art galleries ignore contemporary religious art-thus ensuring, thanks to the absence of strong practitioners, that it remains at the level of kitsch. And the art world itself has suffered: with deeper themes excised, it slid into a shallow, jokey postmodernism that reduced art to ideology and treated art works as vehicles of approved social messages.

            By the 1980s, during the conservative administrations of Ronald Reagan, an artist's path to instant success was to satirize or profane Christian iconography. Warfare erupted in 1989 over "Piss Christ," a misty photograph by the American Andres Serrano of a wood and plastic crucifix submerged in a Plexiglas tank of his own urine, and then a decade later over a 1996 collage of the Virgin Mary by the British-Nigerian Chris Ofili, who adorned the Madonna with breasts of elephant dung and ringed her with pasted-on photos of female genitalia clipped from pornographic magazines. The Ofili painting made hardly a ripple in London but caused an explosion in the US in 1999 when it was exhibited, with a deplorable lack of basic curatorial support, by the Brooklyn Museum. The uproar in all such cases was fomented by grandstanding politicians with agendas of their own: New York mayor Rudy Giuliani, for example, outrageously moved to cut off the Brooklyn Museum's public funding. Nevertheless, the ultimate responsibility for this continuing rancor rests with the arts community, who are fixed in an elitist mind-set that automatically defines religion as reactionary and unenlightened. Federal funding of the arts, already minuscule in the US, has been even further diminished because of the needlessly offensive way that religion has been treated in such incidents.

            This cultural stalemate was aggravated, I contend, by the disappearance of voices from the sixties religious revolution. Even counterculture agnostics had respected the cosmic expansiveness of religious vision. There was also widespread ecumenical interest at the time in harmonizing world religions. The primary guide in this new syncretism was Carl Jung, who was the son of a Protestant minister and who began to study Asian thought in depth after his break with Freud in 1913. Jung's theory of the collective unconscious was partly derived from the Hindu concept of samskaras, the residue of past lifetimes. His interdisciplinary interpretation of culture was also influenced by Sir James George Frazer's multi-volumed work of classical anthropology, The Golden Bough (1890-1915). Jung revealed the poetry and philosophy in the rituals and iconography of world religions. But Jungian thought had little impact on post-sixties American academe, thanks to the invasion of European theory. French poststructuralism, the Frankfurt School, and British cultural studies all follow the Marxist line that religion is "the opiate of the masses." The end result was that, by the eighties, the claim that great art has a spiritual meaning was no longer taken seriously-and was positively perilous to anyone seeking employment or promotion in the humanities departments of major American universities.

           

4. Transcendentalism and Asian Religion

           

            That the spiritual awakening of the 1960s belonged to a long series of religious revivals in America was argued by William G. McLoughlin in his splendid 1978 book, Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform. McLoughlin's point was taken up again by Robert S. Ellwood in The Sixties Spiritual Awakening (1994), but general discussion of the sixties remains unchanged. The resistance of received opinion is too strong: the Right refuses to acknowledge anything positive in the sixties legacy, while the Left rejects religion wholesale.

            In the Great Awakening of the mid-eighteenth century, the Congregational minister Jonathan Edwards lit up the Connecticut Valley with his call for a renewal of Calvinist belief. Edwards viewed the ease and slackness of contemporary religious practice as a falling off from the disciplined vigor of New England's Puritan forefathers. His terrifying 1741 "Fire Sermon" ("Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God") stressed man's contemptible weakness. But the 1960s spiritual awakening, as a program of rebellious liberalization, more resembled Transcendentalism (1835-60), which was influenced by British Romanticism and German idealism. Its leading figure, Ralph Waldo Emerson, had been a Unitarian minister (descended from a line of clerics) but resigned his post because he could not accept the doctrine of transubstantiation in the Eucharist. More generally, Emerson was repelled by the passionlessness and rote formulas of genteel churchgoing. His suave father, a Boston minister, had had the social success that Emerson spurned.

            Emerson was reserved and austere, not unlike the Romantic poet, William Wordsworth, who had a similar reverence for nature. Emerson transferred his family's religious vocation to the Romantic cult of nature, a pagan pantheism. His holistic vision of nature, like that of his friend Henry David Thoreau, prefigures 1960s ecology: indeed, Thoreau's Walden (1854), a journal of his experiment in monastic living in the woods near Boston, became a canonical text for the sixties counterculture.

            The most intriguing of the parallels between New England Transcendentalism and 1960s thought is Emerson's interest in Asian literature-mainly Hindu sacred texts (the Bhagavad Gita and the Upanishads) and Confucius' maxims. India's religious literature had been unknown to the West until the first European translation of the Bhagavad Gita appeared in 1785, when Sanskrit studies had just begun.

            The titles Emerson gave to his poems "Brahma" and "Maya" were inexplicable to most readers at the time. (Brahma is the Hindu creator god; Maya is the veil of illusion.) "Brahma," first published in 1857, was the butt of so many satirical lampoons that Emerson's publisher begged him, to no avail, to drop it from the 1876 edition of his selected poems. In his seminal essays (1836-41), Emerson refers to God as the "Over-Soul," a translation of the Sanskrit word, atman, meaning "supreme and universal soul." Emerson's "Over-Soul" would be reinterpreted by Friedrich Nietzsche as the Übermensch, which translators often misleadingly render in English as "Superman."

            Emerson's study of Hindu literature, which intensified after his first wife's death, was documented by Arthur Christy, a professor at Columbia University, in his 1932 book, The Orient in American Transcendentalism. Christy inspected borrowing records at the Boston Athenaeum and Harvard College Library, as well as Emerson's journals and marginalia, to trace his considerable reading history of Asian texts. By contrast, Harvard Library records showed no sign that the undergraduate Thoreau ever withdrew books on Eastern religion. His transforming knowledge of it came entirely from his casual reading in Emerson's personal library, through which he was guided by Emerson's second wife. Among the other Transcendentalists, Bronson Alcott was most interested in Hindu philosophy, which he had explored while working as a Philadelphia schoolteacher in the 1830s.

            Emerson the sage was the main draw in the Transcendentalist circle. Harvard students and other young people flocked to hear him speak or made pilgrimages to his home in Concord. His warm rapport with and encouragement of the young came from his own conflicts with authority, from which evolved his doctrine of American individualism and self-reliance. Emerson's charismatic appeal as an anti-establishment mentor could be compared to that of the early Timothy Leary, who warned, "Don't trust anyone over thirty." (As a college student in 1966, I witnessed the mob scene around Leary when I traveled with other students from Binghamton to Cornell University to hear him speak about LSD and his new League for Spiritual Discovery.)

            In Leaves of Grass (1855), Walt Whitman absorbed British Romantic poetry as well as Emerson's poems and essays, with their disparate Asian influences. Whitman's sprawling, pagan epic (expanded over succeeding decades) openly challenged Judeo-Christianity. After William Blake's allegorical long poems, Leaves of Grass is Western literature's closest approximation to the dynamic form and visionary style of Hindu sacred literature, with its cosmic scale. Whitman's poem would have tremendous influence on the 1960s via fifties Beat poetry, in particular Allen Ginsberg's prophetic protest poem, Howl (1956), which imitates Whitman's long, incantatory lines. Ginsberg regularly paid homage to Whitman, as in his amusing 1955 poem, "A Supermarket in California," which addresses Whitman by name.

            The limitations in Emersonian Transcendentalism are suggested by the reservations expressed by both Emerson and Thoreau to the sexual material in Leaves of Grass, which, despite their great admiration for the poem, they felt to be crude flaws. Emerson, who had always disliked the bawdiness in Shakespeare's plays, actually advised Whitman to purge sexual references from later editions of Leaves of Grass. In this respect, the Romantic nature cult of Emerson and Thoreau betrays their Puritan lineage. They see nature in clean, rigorous terms but cannot tolerate or encompass nature's stormier energies-the theme of Herman Melville's Moby Dick (1851). Significantly, though he enjoyed choosing hymns for Sunday services, Emerson did not much care for music. Despite the call for ecstasy in his poem "Bacchus," he was evidently made uncomfortable by music's heady rhythms and emotional stimulation. It was the American 1960s that would complete Transcendentalism-through the new, barbaric medium of rock.

           

5. American Strains of Asian Religion in the Twentieth Century

           

            The pervasive presence of Asian religion in the bohemian underground in the US after World War II was unparalleled in avant-garde and existentialist Paris during the same period. Anti-clericalism-hostility to priests and church hierarchy-has been entrenched among the European intelligentsia since the Enlightenment, partly because the Roman Catholic Church was once an active force in politics and economics and, in the period of the Papal States, was a nation in its own right.

            The defiant rejection of organized religion by Beat poets and artists was a substantial part of their legacy to the 1960s counterculture. Their hip appropriation of Asian thought is illustrated by the title of Jack Kerouac's 1958 autobiographical novel, The Dharma Bums (dharma is a Hindu and Buddhist term for natural truth or right living). Though most of the Beats merely dabbled in Asian religion, they borrowed enough to help their second-generation fans critique Western intellectual assumptions. Ginsberg, Kerouac, and the other Beats who drifted to San Francisco in the fifties learned about Zen Buddhism from the poet Gary Snyder, a rugged, Thoreau-style naturalist from Oregon who would later live in a monastery in Japan. (A leading character in The Dharma Bums is based on Snyder.) Buddhist references percolated from the Beats into anti-academic poetry of other schools from the fifties to the early seventies.

            A Zen Institute was established in New York in 1930; San Francisco's Zen Center began in 1959. But American interest in Zen was primarily stimulated by two non-fiction writers, Daisetz T. Suzuki (1870-1966), a Japanese Buddhist scholar, and Alan Watts (1915-73), who was born in England. In the 1950s, Suzuki lectured extensively on Mahayana Buddhism in the US, including as a visiting professor at Columbia University. Watts was an Anglican priest with a master's degree in theology who had had an interest in Asian thought and culture since adolescence. His first book on Buddhism, The Spirit of Zen, was published in 1936 after he had met Suzuki in London earlier that year. Watts was Episcopal chaplain at Northwestern University near Chicago during World War II and then moved to the West Coast, where he taught at the School of Asian Studies in San Francisco and joined the Los Angeles Vedanta Society, devoted to Vedanta Hinduism. Watts' many books, such as The Way of Zen (1957) and Psychotherapy East and West (1961), were widely available as vividly bound paperbacks in the sixties. Though Watts has sometimes been dismissed as a popularizer, I can attest that his comparative studies of Asian and Western culture had a great impact on me as a student. In 1966, he spent several days at my college, where he lectured on "Narcotics and Hallucinogenic Drugs" and "Differing Views of the Self and Its Relation to Nature."

            It was Watts' reference to "cosmic consciousness" in his 1962 book, The Joyous Cosmology, that put it into the cultural atmosphere of the time. The term had been coined by a Canadian psychiatrist, Richard Maurice Bucke, in a very odd, spiritualistic book, Cosmic Consciousness: A Study in the Evolution of the Human Mind (1901). While superintendent of an asylum for the clinically insane, Bucke had begun to question the standard categories of Western logic and science. In 1894, he read a paper called "Cosmic Consciousness" to a meeting of the American Medico-Psychological Association in Philadelphia. In his book, Bucke attempted to fuse Asian and Western religion by juxtaposing somewhat quirky profiles of figures like Buddha, Jesus, Dante, William Blake, and Walt Whitman. Such extraordinary individuals, Bucke felt, exuded a palpable magnetic aura because they had attained spiritual illumination.

            The Hinduism of the American 1960s had several sources. Allen Ginsberg modeled his prophetic persona on Blake as well as on visionary rabbis in his own Jewish tradition. Though introduced to Buddhism by Gary Snyder, the gay, bookish Ginsberg had none of Snyder's athletic asceticism. Chatty and omnivorous, Ginsberg celebrated appetite and excess in food and sex. By the sixties, he had transformed himself into a genial Hindu guru. Playfully brandishing finger-cymbals and a squeezebox and sometimes dressed in Hindu robes, the bearded Ginsberg was a constant, mantra-chanting presence at major demonstrations. He turned political theater into vaudeville-much like the Yippies, who nominated a pig for president in 1968.

            Hinduism had had an organized basis in the US since the 1890s, following the visit of Swami Vivekenanda, a disciple of the legendary Indian spiritual leader, Ramakrishna, to the Parliament of Religions at the World's Columbian Exposition held in Chicago in 1893. Vivekenanda (1863-1902) founded the American Vedanta Society in New York City, from which numerous branches opened around the country. Until after World War II, however, American interest in Hinduism was mainly confined to urban centers and was connected in the popular mind with kooks, charlatans, and Hollywood actors. Aldous Huxley, who had moved to California, studied Vedanta Hinduism with Swami Prabhavananda in the 1940s and was a member of the Los Angeles Vedanta Society. Another British expatriate, Christopher Isherwood, edited a book about the Society, Vedanta for Modern Man (1951). The openly gay Isherwood, whose autobiographical Berlin Stories about decadent 1930s Germany inspired I Am a Camera and Cabaret, had converted to Hinduism after moving to Los Angeles.

            The groundwork for the Asian trend of the American sixties was probably laid by Paramhansa Yogananda (1893-1952), the first yoga master to teach full-time in the West. Born in Bengal, Yogananda established the international headquarters of his Self-Realization Fellowship in Los Angeles in 1925. He lectured to packed audiences, including at Carnegie Hall, and met President Calvin Coolidge at the White House. His Autobiography of a Yogi (1946) had an enormous impact, not least for the numinous, Christlike cover photo of the white-robed, boyishly beardless guru with long hair flowing over his shoulders. The Director of Forest Lawn Memorial Park, where Yogananda was buried, stated in an affidavit that there was "no physical disintegration" in his body twenty days after death, "a phenomenal state of immutability."

            A singular figure of lesser influence was "Avatar" Meher Baba (1894-1969), who arrived in the US in 1952 and opened a center in South Carolina. Baba was an author and teacher born to a Zoroastrian family in India. Mute from the 1920s on, perhaps as the result of being struck on the head years earlier, he communicated by smiles, gestures, and an alphabet board. He worked with the poor and insane in India in the forties. Baba's sometimes nebulous philosophy of "spiritual value" and world harmony, resembling that of Yogananda, prefigured New Age. In the sixties, he strongly condemned the use of LSD and other drugs as a route to enlightenment.

            The major Asian cult of the sixties was Transcendental Meditation, founded in India as the Spiritual Regeneration Movement by Maharishi Mahesh Yogi in 1957. The Maharishi brought TM to Hawaii in 1959, from which it spread to North America and Europe. His practice of deep relaxation, whose aim is "bliss," was based on ancient Vedic literature that he claimed to have learned from his master, Shri Guru Deva. At the start, TM had more cult-like characteristics, such as a personal secret mantra imparted by master to student. The Maharishi was at times accused of claiming godlike powers. By the mid-seventies, TM was more professionally organized as a business, with certified trainers teaching the system at stress-relief centers throughout the US. In 1974, TM bought the campus of a Presbyterian college in Iowa and opened the Maharishi University of Management. TM currently claims five million followers worldwide. Deepak Chopra, the New Age motivational speaker and best-selling author who became a media star through his visibility on Oprah Winfrey's TV show, was a disciple of the Maharishi but broke with him and TM in 1993.

            Several cults caused much public concern in the sixties and seventies because of their hold on young people. The Hare Krishna movement-the International Society of Krishna Consciousness, which claims to have been founded in the sixteenth century-is still in operation, with headquarters in Mayapur, India. Its followers became notorious for their shaved heads, saffron robes and beads, and aggressive behavior on street corners as they sang, shook rattles and tambourines, and pushed pamphlets. Their ascetic founder, Swami Prabhupada (1896-1977), had begun preaching in India in the 1950s and moved to New York in 1965. There he wrote books and conducted mass chanting of Hindu phrases in Tompkins Square Park-provocative activity at the time. In 1966, he began publishing Back to Godhead magazine and incorporated his organization, which required disciples to renounce meat, alcohol, gambling, and extramarital sex. He then took the Society to San Francisco, where it drew an enormous hippie following, particularly among those addicted to drugs. His disciples carried the message to London and Berlin; at the Society's peak, there were 108 centers worldwide. The movement won much publicity at the 1970 release of George Harrison's song, "My Sweet Lord," with its "Hare Krishna" refrain. The Hare Krishnas were pursued with huge fanfare by Ted Patrick, a "deprogrammer" who forcibly rescued young people from cults and returned them to worried parents. A former staff member for then-Governor Ronald Reagan in California, Patrick inaccurately warned that the Krishnas were a cult as dangerous as Charles Manson's.

            The Divine Light Mission was brought to the US in 1971 by thirteen-year-old Maharaj Ji, whose father had founded the organization in India in the 1920s. Its Sikh and Hindu philosophy required vegetarianism, celibacy, and meditation. American hippies searching for gurus in India in the sixties had appealed to Maharaj Ji, who claimed to be the successor of Jesus and Buddha, to visit America. The Divine Mission's Denver commune would become its world headquarters: it claimed 480 centers in thirty-eight countries. By 1973, there were thirty-eight ashrams in the US with 40,000 followers. The organization began to unravel later in the seventies when Maharaj Ji's taste for luxury cars and mansions was exposed. When he married, he incurred the wrath of the Divine Mission's power behind the throne-his mother, who returned to India and tried to supplant him with his brother.

            As the Hindu boom subsided in the seventies, neo-Christian sects like Jim Jones' People's Temple rose to prominence. The Children of God, founded in 1968 as Teens for Christ by "Moses" David Berg in Huntington Beach, California, were negligible in number but came to public attention when they loudly prophesied that the US would be destroyed by Comet Kohoutek in January 1974. The group continues under the name "The Family" and is regularly excoriated by conservative Christian watchdog groups for its practice of free love (called "Flirty Fishing") as well as its heretical beliefs that Jesus was sexually active and that God is a woman.

            The most important neo-Christian sect of the seventies was the Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity, founded by the Reverend Sun Myong Moon in Seoul in 1954. Missionaries of the Unification church were at work in the US from 1959 on, but there was little publicity until Moon arrived in 1971. Moon was born into a farming family in North Korea in 1920. He was raised by Confucian principles until his parents became Presbyterians in 1930. In 1935, Moon claimed, Jesus appeared in a vision to summon him to ministry. Because of his staunch anti-communism (he had been imprisoned by Korean Communists), he was welcomed by Republican legislators in the US and was hosted by President Richard Nixon in the White House. In 1981, however, Moon was charged with tax evasion and would eventually spend thirteen months in prison.

            Though massive advertisements for the Unification Church still appear in major world newspapers, the zenith of Moon's organization was 1982, when he sponsored a mass wedding of 2,075 couples in Madison Square Garden. The grooms wore badges declaring "World Peace Through Ideal Family," upholding conservative family values against the sexual anarchy of the psychedelic sixties and disco seventies. However, most Americans, as evidenced by the slang term "Moonies" for its members, continue to regard the Unification Church as just another Asian cult. Moon's Christian theology is unorthodox: he preaches, for example, that Jesus was illegitimate, the product of an affair between Mary and her cousin's husband, Zachariah.

           

6. Hinduism and 1960s Music

           

            A main aperture through which Hinduism flowed into the sixties was popular music, which adapted the non-Western harmonics of raga and experimented with the sitar, the long-necked Indian lute. George Harrison, the Beatles' lead guitarist, was not the first British musician to experiment with the sitar, but he deserves principal credit for popularizing it in Anglo-American rock music. Jangling sitar riffs were a ubiquitous lyrical motif in late-sixties music. At the opening of songs, the sitar was equivalent in meaning and effect to the European church bell, summoning the faithful to worship.

            The first Western album of Indian music, a collaboration between Yehudi Menuhin and tabla master Ali Akbar Khan, was released in 1955. In the late fifties, Khan's brother-in-law, Ravi Shankar, gave sitar concerts in Europe and the US. By 1959, Shankar had influenced jazz compositions by Miles Davis and John Coltrane. By the mid-sixties, the sitar sound had traveled far afield into folk circles in Great Britain, New York, and San Francisco.

            Harrison's interest in India began during production of the Beatles' second movie, Help! (1965), with its slapstick Hindu subplot. He was intrigued by the sitar used in an Indian restaurant scene filmed in London. While beach scenes were being filmed in the Bahamas, the Beatles were approached by a man in orange robes who handed them a signed copy of his book on yoga. It was Swami Vishnu-Devananda, the founder of Sivananda Yoga. Intrigued, Harrison began to study Hinduism. He then traveled to India to study the sitar with Ravi Shankar, who gave him a copy of Yogananda's Autobiography of a Yogi. It was Harrison who invited Shankar to perform at the seminal 1967 Monterey Pop Music Festival in California, where the sitar's artistic kinship to the electric guitar was dramatically demonstrated. (See the 1969 documentary, Monterey Pop.) The sitar's cultural impact on the late sixties paralleled that of the Javanese gamelan on late-nineteenth-century music. Debussy was fascinated by the gamelan (a percussive instrument with gong and bells) when he heard it played at the Paris Universal Exposition in 1889. Through him, the gamelan's Asian harmonics transformed French and British classical music for the next half century.

            In 1967, Patti Boyd Harrison, George's wife, took the Beatles to a lecture in London by the Maharishi Mahesh Yogi. The Beatles fell under the Maharishi's spell and began to dress in quasi-Hindu style, with chic Nehru jackets and mod paisley fabrics, which revolutionized fashion around the world. In 1968, the Beatles flew to India to meditate at the Maharishi's ashram in Rishikesh. But their flirtation with Hinduism ended abruptly in bitter disillusion: the Maharishi ruined his saintly reputation by reportedly making sexual advances to another celebrity pilgrim, Mia Farrow, who was there with her studious sister Prudence. The Beatles and the Farrows decamped in high dudgeon. A record of that adventure is contained in two Beatles songs on the 1968 White Album: "Dear Prudence" and "Sexy Sadie" ("You made a fool of everyone"), a transsexual tribute to the Maharishi's seductive charms. Farrow confirmed the rumored details about the Maharishi's blunder in her 1998 autobiography, What Falls Away. However, it was thanks to the Beatles' cross-fertilization of Hinduism with rock that the Swami Satchidananda, seated in white robes on the stage, would give the prayer invocation that opened the 1969 Woodstock Music Festival.

            In addition to the sitar, or an electric guitar strung and played to sound like one, the style of "acid rock" that originated in the San Francisco hippie scene can arguably be considered to have religious intonations. Acid rock helped promulgate the sixties concept of cosmic consciousness. Even those (like me) who did not take drugs were radicalized by the power and expansiveness of that shimmering music, with its unfixed keys, sonic distortions, ominous drone, wandering melodic lines, and twangy, floating, evaporating notes. The leading San Francisco acid-rock bands were Jefferson Airplane, the Grateful Dead, Quicksilver Messenger Service, and Big Brother and the Holding Company. Psychedelic effects were used in Los Angeles by the Byrds and the Doors and in England by the Yardbirds, Jeff Beck, the Jimi Hendrix Experience, the Beatles, the Rolling Stones, Donovan, the Kinks, and early Pink Floyd. The drugged mood of this "trippy" style was revived in British trance music (called "trip-hop") in the early nineties as a development of the rave scene.

            Because it consists of transient instrumental effects, psychedelic music has received far less attention than folk and folk-rock with overtly political lyrics, whose manifest content is easier to analyze. This is yet another factor impeding general recognition of the sixties' religious legacy. Though the Beats left their mark in novels and poems, the counterculture was less interested in constructing self-contained artifacts. The enduring achievements of the sixties generation were in music, modern dance, experimental film and video, Pop and Conceptual Art, and performance art, which swallowed up poetry. Literature is strikingly underrepresented. Literary surveys of the sixties overrely on the work of figures like Norman Mailer, whose brilliant career began in the late forties. The major critics and theorists of the sixties-Marshall McLuhan, Leslie Fiedler, Norman O. Brown-also belong to an earlier generation. Hermann Hesse, whose novels Siddhartha (1922), about the early life of Buddha, and Steppenwolf (1927) were sixties cult classics, was born in 1877. Except for Tom Wolfe's New Journalism, most sixties culture crystallized outside the book.

            The gap in the sixties' artistic and intellectual legacy partly occurred because too many young people followed their elementary understanding of Asian religion by making sensory experience primary. Shunning schedules and routine, they sought the "eternal Now," dramatized by the otherworldliness of psychedelic rock. Furthermore, the sexual revolution, which began in 1960 with the commercial release of Enovid, the first reliable oral contraceptive in history, finally overwhelmed the sixties' spiritual quest. Beat interpretations of Asian thought tended to exaggerate its sexual component. In 1958, Alan Watts criticized "Beat Zen" for its "anything goes" attitude toward sex. Similarly, hipsters often carelessly reduced Hinduism to the erotic acrobatics of Tantric yoga or Vatsyayana's Kama Sutra (c. 250 AD). But sexual codes have been very strict throughout India's history: at no time was promiscuity endorsed. The yoni and lingam (monumental stone genitalia in Hindu shrines) or the voluptuous copulating couples on the facades of Hindu temples belonged to a fertility cult where sexual intercourse symbolized the natural cycle of birth and death.

            "Make love, not war" was a sixties rubric. Free love had been endorsed by radical Romantics like Percy Bysshe Shelley who sought to shatter the bonds of bourgeois marriage. A cheeky promiscuity was also affected by urban flappers in the 1920s, which was energized by the hyperactive dance rhythms of the Jazz Age as well as the seditious mood of underground speakeasies. But free love was never achieved on a massive scale until the 1960s, when random sexual connection was blithely assigned a spiritual and redemptive meaning. "Getting it on" meant freeing mind and body to strike a blow against residual American puritanism. By the hedonistic seventies, spirituality had been abandoned, a change marked by the shift in drugs from communal, "mellow" marijuana and visionary LSD to edgy, expensive, hoarded cocaine, which sharpened competition and enhanced the ego sense of power and mastery. Sexual liberation, as should now be obvious, had its high costs, which we are still sorting out: sexual diseases, a soaring divorce rate, and a pandemic sexualization of media images with uncertain consequences for children. Self-presentation by early teens, for example, has become strikingly eroticized, leading to premature sexual pressures and demands.

            Feeling trapped by a corporate and technological society, sixties rebels tried to empower sex as a quick route to reconnection with nature. The sixties dreamed of limitless sex without consequence-a bouncy, open-ended, Technicolor film with a rock soundtrack. Many genuine hippies dropped out of college to join communes, bake bread, and have babies. Others of the sixties generation who entered the professions often defied or delayed the procreative principle that was at the heart of ancient mystery cult. Two new models of sexual liberation who emerged in the seventies were the liberated woman, who put career before marriage and family, and the post-Stonewall gay man, in whose paradise of pleasures even lesbians were no longer welcome. Reproductive rights, establishing women's control over their own bodies, was always a major issue in feminism but over the next quarter century would become an obsessive preoccupation, determining campaign politics and judicial appointments. Feminism inextricably identified itself with abortion-with termination of life rather than fertility. (I am speaking as a militantly pro-choice feminist.) Feminism's foregrounding of abortion, which caused national turmoil and limited its outreach as a populist movement, was one consequence of the loss of sixties cosmic consciousness by the seventies.

            For gay men, free love detached from all reference to nature meant that, by the eighties, their ruling theorist would be social constructionist Michel Foucault rather than the nature-revering Whitman or Ginsberg. Despite a seventies fad for the virile lumberjack look, the erotic ideal in the gay male world has reverted over time to the ruthless master type of the Greek beautiful boy, Antinous reborn: the shaved, sculpted, callipygian ephebe whose perfection is heartbreakingly transient.

           

7. Psychedelic Drugs

           

            "Sex, drugs, and rock and roll" was the fast-track reality for a significant segment, working-class as well as middle-class, of the sixties generation. Drugs melted defenses and broke barriers, creating a momentary sense of unity with mankind and the world. They functioned as magic elixirs for the missing initiatory rituals in an increasingly transient society. In the matter of drugs, I must stress, I was merely an observer: as an Italian-American, I am a product of Mediterranean wine culture, where intoxicants are integrated with cuisine. As a libertarian, I favor legalization of drugs, not because I approve of their use but because in my view government should have no power to dictate what individuals do with their bodies. On the other hand, I am painfully aware of the tragic toll that drugs took on my generation. This was one of the great cultural disasters of American history. I warn my students that recreational drugs-now a toxic cocktail of black-market tranquilizers-may give short-term gains but impair long-term achievement.

            Nevertheless, it was drugs, abused until they turned on their takers, that helped trigger the spiritual explosion of the sixties. Getting high-as in the magnificent, rumbling Byrds song "Eight Miles High"-was to elevate perspective. Aspiring beyond materialism and conformity, young people manufactured their own martyrdom. They pushed their nervous systems to the limit, until social forms seemed to dissolve. What they saw was sublime-the High Romantic vision of creative nature, its vast energies twisting and turning along a continuum from the brain to the stars. That cosmic consciousness is precisely what is lacking in too many of today's writers and academics, especially followers of poststructuralism and postmodernism, cynical systems that are blind to nature.

            The association of drugs with the avant-garde began with British High Romanticism. Samuel Taylor Coleridge's great "mystery" poems of the 1790s ("Kubla Khan," "Christabel," and "The Rime of the Ancient Mariner") were partly inspired by his experiences with opium, present in laudanum, a common pain medication to which he had been addicted since childhood. In Artificial Paradises (1860), his response to Thomas De Quincey's Confessions of an English Opium Eater (1821), Baudelaire described the hallucinations of his experiments with hashish mixed with opium. In late-nineteenth-century America, white middle-class women took "patent medicin