Speech By The President Of The United Republic Of Tanzania, His Excellency Benjamin William Mkapa, At The Opening Of The Ninth Conference On The State Of Politics In Tanzania, Nkrumah Hall, University Of Dar Es Salaam, 10th May 2001

Mr. Chairman and Vice-Chancellor of the University of Dar es Salaam;

Honourable Ministers and Members of Parliament, House of Representatives, and Councillors;

Your Excellencies, High Commissioners and Ambassadors;

Leaders of Political Parties;

Members of the Academic Staff;

Distinguished Guests;

Ladies and Gentlemen.

I am the Chairman of the Ruling Party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi. But I want to make it clear from the outset that I shall be addressing you today not in that capacity, but only as President of the United Republic of Tanzania; a President fully committed to fulfil with maximum diligence the solemn oath of the High Office. It is a committment:

To be faithful to the United Republic of Tanzania, to serve it with all my heart, and to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania;

To do justice to all people according to the law, customs and traditions of the United Republic of Tanzania, without fear, favour, affection or ill-will; and

To defend and sustain the unity of the United Republic of Tanzania in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic.

I shall also be addressing you as one on whose shoulders rests the ultimate responsibility and accountability for democratic governance, and for the pillars of a rule based competitive political dispensation, a dispensation underwritten by the rule of law.

You can, therefore, believe me when I say how very pleased I am once again to accept an invitation from the leadership of the University of Dar es Salaam to officiate at the opening of yet another conference on the State of Politics in Tanzania, organised by the Department of Political Science and Public Administration of the University of Dar es Salaam, through its Research and Education for Democracy in Tanzania Programme, (REDET).

I say "once again" because I had the honour and privilege to perform a similar function at the 1994 Second Annual Conference of this ongoing conference series, whose proven sustainability deserves much praise. At that time, I was Guest of Honour in my capacity as Minister for Science, Technology and Higher Education.

I believed then, as I do now, that such a forum was, and continues to be, an important source of inspiration, where our young multi-party democracy is apt to find wise counsel and nurture. My wish at the time was to see the conference subsequently become an uninterrupted annual event. The fact that today I am officiating the 9th Conference, seven conferences after the one I opened in 1994, shows that my wish has been fulfilled. I thank you deeply, as I renew my wish for continued sustainability and resourcefulness of this conference series in the future.

Mr. Chairman,

I have on different occasions encouraged our Universities to be increasingly engaged in the topical issues and challenges confronting our nation, and to strive to be relevant to the society at large. The University of Dar es Salaam, in particular, has a glorious past in that respect, a past it is now called upon to live up to. This campus used to be the "Mecca", and teh fountain of intellectual inspiration, for those across the world that believed in freedom, in equality, in social justice, and in people-centred development. Time has passed, and circumstances have changed internall, regionally and globally, but I believe this University can, and must, continue to uphold a name and special place for itself in teh new Tanzania, the new Africa, and the globalising workd.

These series of REDET Conferences are one way to go about it, and I urge you to keep the tradition alive and well. As President, I have a particular interest in your deliberations, hoping that out of them will emerge new ideas on how we can consolidate democracy and democratic governance in Tanzania. I always enjoy a good debate; and I cannot claim to have all the answers to the challenges that the evolution of multi-party democracy poses for us as a nation. Give me good counsel, and I will give it the sincere consideration it deserves.

The Case for Democratic Consolidation

Mr. Chairman,

The theme of this Conference, "Issues in Consolidation of Democracy and Democratic Governance in Tanzania" implies two thinkg. First, that there is democracy and democratic governance in Tanzania, and, secondly, that such democracy and democratic governance as we have needs to be consolidated, or even improved. I should like, even at this stage, to say that this is, indeed, a valid proposition.

This day, the 10th of May, happens to be the day Sir Winston Churchill became Prime Minister of Great Britain in 1940. In 1947, two years after the end of his first term as Prime Minister, he made a speech in the House of Commons, from which is often qouted the following dictum.

Many forms of government have been tried and will be tried in this world of sin and woe. No one pretends that democracy is perfect or all-wise. Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of Government except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.

Mr. Chairman,

The historical experiences of practically all nations have proven Sir Winston right. Democracy is best, but there is no perfect democracy; not even in the oldest democracies in the world. Democracy is not a destination; it is a journey towards an ideal. And the democratic ideal is akin to the rainbow, beautiful to behold from afar, yet impossible to hold in your hand. For, the parts that constitute the ideal keep on mutating and realigning over time, as they relate to societies in which, by their nature and technological advancement, the only constant is change.

The quest, indeed the imperative, to improve democracy and democratic governance, and to amend Constitutions and laws, is not therefore unwelcome to those committed to the ideal of democracy, as we are in Tanzania, and neither are they specific or unique to Tanzania. THe issue, therefore, is not whether or not we should seek to improve governance, or our Constitution; the issue is how best we can do it, and what we can afford to do, under which time frame and what sequence, while at the same time safeguarding and consolidating democratic governance.

Democratic Change

Many are agreed that there is democracy in Tanzania; the question, therefore, is how best we can improve it, including by amending our Constitution and laws. Do we improve democracy by democratic means; or do we have to regress into anti-democratic means. I say so because there is a political concept that is gaining currency called "people power", to which the self-appointed viceroys of democratic governance have curiously shut their eyes, ears and lips. As I know it, "people power" is only legitimate through an election; and an election that is disputed is not resolved though legal or political means, not through mob violence. Anything else is no "people power", but "people thuggery".

And unless this distinction is appreciated, Africa will not make much headway in the consolidation of democratic governance. As the American Politician, Alfred Smith, said in 1933, "All the ills of democracy can be cured by more democracy/" This Conference would be well advised to figure out how this pithy advice can be internalised into our political system. For even in our own workd of sin and woe, the best way to cure the ills of our democracy is non other than through democratic means.

Mr. Chairman,

We can only build by building, not be demolishing. Consolidation of democracy and democratic governance means sthrengthening what has already been achieved in these fields, and in my opinion what has been achieved so far is impressive. Much progress, for instance, has been attained by the enactment of the Thirteenth Constitutional Amendment, by the amendment of election laws both at central and local government levels; by the restructuring of central, regional, and local administrations to make them more efficient and effective, while remaining responsive and accountable to the citizenry through their elected representatives; and by the enactment of several other laws which broaden and protect citizens' rights and liberties. The list is long and deserves recognition, especially considering the short time and economic difficulties in which these far reaching legal and structural reforms have been undertaken.

Mr Chairman,

The terms "democracy" and "democratic governance" encompass a wide spectrum of political attributes that empower the citizenry to participate in shaping the common good of society in freedom, dignity and responsibility. Such political attributes are too many to be covered adequately, either by me in such a short opening speech, or even by you, conference participants, in the two-day session that has been allocated for that purpose. I will thus avoid the futility of trying to expound on all the theoretical or even practical notions relating to the consolidation of democracy and democratic governance.

But as I was browsing through your programme, I pleasantly noticed that the conference organisers managed to capture salient issues for discussion, which are very pertinent to our national experience in democracy and democratic governance. These include: Prerequisites for democratic consolidation; the state of institutions of governance; the state of political parties and civil society; lessons from the 1999 neighbourhood/village/local government elections and teh General Elections of October 2000; and, finally, the political problems in Zanzibar.

These are indeed important issues, which deserve an in-depth and objective analysiss. But analysis alone would fall short of usefulness if the conference does not come up with strong and action-oriented recommendations that would help to consolidate our democracy and democratic governance in practical terms.

A Rule-Based Political System

Mr. Chairman,

Based on some of those issues, which are going to be discussed at this conference, let me give you a few stimulating thoughts. We know, for instance, that the kind of representative democracy we are trying to build is based on party political competition through elections. Such competition is governed by rules. One prerequisite for consolidation of democracy is for political players to agree on the rules of the game and obey them.

In the case of our country, such rules are embodied in the constitution and other legitimate pieces of legislation enacted by legitimate bodies. In order for party political competition to produce a respectable representative democracy dividend, the political parties contesting an election must play by the existing rules of competition. When a party enters an election contest, this is a sign that it agrees with, or is at least acquiescent to , the existing rules and that it will, therefore, accept the outcome of the contest. Anything else is a prescription for, and a harbinger of, veritable anarchy.

The outcome of an election contest can be either victory or defeat. Our political parties must understand and accept this reality without equivocation. Rules of competition in a democracy include celebrating victory with humility when a party wins, and acceptig defeat with grace when it loses. When the loser is not satisfied with the results, the right thing to do is to seek redress through the channels stipulated by the existing rules. For instance, our laws grant Parliamentary and House of Representatives candidates the right to petition in the High Court when they do not agree with election results. Exercising such a right, rather than resorting to other means of reacting to defeat, is what democracy is all about. I would like this conference to suggest ways in which we can consolidate this democratic culture of rule-based political competition and bring all parties on board.

When the existing rules are inadequate, and this may be true because even in the most advanced democracies shortcomings in the rules of the game continure to be discovered, the proper place to amend the rules to suit the needs and interests of all political players is thr houses of representatives. We have two such houses in Tanzania: the Union Parliament and teh Zanzibar House of Representatives. I challenge this conference to impress upon political parties and their elected candidates that the only legitimate and democratica way to change rulesis through active participation in the legislative bodies. Democrats fight for change in those bodies; they do not boycott them.

Boycotting does not only fly in the face of our attempts to improve and consolidate democracy and democratic governance, it is also a great injustice to the people, and one may even add that the people are being exploited in pursuit of the politcal agenda of their leaders. An election costs a lot of money, public money. This justifuable expense is intended to produce people's representatives in the organs that according to the constitution make laws, regulations, and decisions about public revenue and expenditure. To deny the people this constitutional right to representation, on whatever pretext, is a grave injustice to them, and a terrible assault on our efforts to consolidate democracy. By boycottong you do not punish the ruling party, you do not punish the government, you punish innocent people, who voted in good faith.

The pursuit of, and conformity to, the individual position of a political party cannot supersede the constitutional right to representation by all people. For, a constituency is not composed of followers of only one party. Its members are a cross section of all political parties, as well as many other people who do not belong or pledge loyalty to any party, and who therefore are not bound to defer to the position of any party.

You see, Mr Chairman, we are not a very litigious society; otherwise, someone in those constitutencies where legally elected Members of Parliament of House of Representatives have abdicated their duty to represent people, could have taken them to court for denying them their constitutional right to representation. And, I am not instigating anyone to do it. My primary concern, rather, is to consolidate democracy and democratic governance.

Those who refuse to represent their constituencies in Parliament and the House of Representatives would be wise to accept the counsel of the American politician, William Fulbright, who in a speech to the United States Senate in 1966 said:

"In a democracy dissent is an act of faith. Like medicine, the test of its value is not in its taste, but its effects."

And the effect of the boycott by CUF Members of Parliament and the House of Representatives has been essentially to undermine the evolution of democratic governance, and entrenching further in the dominance of Chama Cha Mapinduzi in the Councils of State. For, in a democratic state such a boycott can serve no greater or deeper purpose; at the very least it only tempts the victorious side to paraphrase Shakespeare in King Richard II and say,

"Not all the water in the rough rude sea Can wash the balm from a duly elected President."

Political Tolerance

Mr. Chairman,

Consolidation of democracy also requires political tolerance, which in turn implies and recognises the existence of divergent views. But it also means that such divergences must be managed on the basis of accomodation, restraint and mutual respect. Lately, there have been signs that political tolerance has degenerated in our ocuntry despite our repeated reminders that unity, peace and solidarity constitute the most cherished cultural heritage of our nation and the foundation upon which all else must be built.

I therefore, challenge you to find the root cause of this spectre of political intolerance that has been gaining ground in our midst. I also call upon participants to prescribe some medicine that will help to exorcise that evil spirit, but without hurting the witch. You may wish to bear this challenge in mind when you discuss the political problems in Zanzibar, which as I noted earlier, have thoughtfully been included in your agenda. I strongly believe that political intolerance has contributed significantly to the political malaise we have experienced in Zanzibar.

The Government, on its part, has tried hard to be tolerant as its contribution to the consolidation of democracy in our country. The assumption in being tolerant is that some of these problems, however unpleasant and unjustified, are transitory - the birth pangs of a responsible political opposition, an opposition that one day can be a credible alternative to the Government in power. But sometimes, it is as if there are people who are determined to probe the limits of Government tolerance. That is injudicious, dangerous, and inimical to the consolidation of genuine democracy. The Italian writer and politician, Ignacio Silone, in the his book The School of Dictators, written as the Second World War was about to begin in 1939, warned thus:

"For democrats in troubled countries, the height of the art of governing seems to consist in accepting slaps so as to avoid kicks...The enemies of democracy take advantage of this and grow daily more insolent.:

Mr. Chairman,

My Government is determined to be as tolerant as it can so as to consolidate democracy and democratic governance. But, for any government in any country, there is a limit to the number of slaps it can take. Drawing the line at an appropriate point is also part of good governance. Let this conference press the case for civil society to politically dialgue with a civil tongue!

Law Enforecement

Mr. Chairman,

I have also noted with interest the time slot give to the discussion of the state of the instruments of governances, such as the relationship between the three branches of government, and the performance of various government services, including the state of defence and security establishments. All these institutions are bodies that are there to enhance, and not to hamper, the consolidation of rule-based democracy adn democratic governance. In performing their duties, they too must obey and enforce existing laws and rules. They wield power and authority, but they must do so in a way that demonstrates responsive and responsible leadership, which strictly observes civic respect, policy openness and the rule of law.

Where these instruments of governance are performing their duties according to existing laws, the citizens on their part must show compliance and trust, and must never provoke them beyond tolerance. Where, on the other hand, these intstruments of governance act outside the law, they need also to be held accountable. One way we have tried to accomplish this is through the training given, and the necessary skills imparted on them, as well as the sensitivity demanded of them to their duty to discharge their responsibilities according to the law. But they are human beings, and there is always scope for error. That is why we have now legislated for the establishment of the Commission for Human Rights and Good Governance to which all complaints can be directed for investigation, determination, and ultimately remedial action.

There may be areas where the laws governing the instruments of governance are defective. There may even be instances of abuses of power by some officials. To put such matters right, we need to empower our citiznes in exerting influence and oversight in governance. Politically competent citiznes will have defective laws corrected in the respective legislatures through their representatives. Such citizens will also be able to have occassional abuses of power redressed through lawful and politically acceptable methods, as in the case of the Commission for Human Rights and Good Governance I have already made reference to.

Civil Education

But citizne influence and oversight must be cultivated through civic education. At present, the state of civic education in Tanzania is far from being satisfactory. This applies to both ordinary folks in our society and a great number of politicians, in all political parties. The task of providing and disseminating civic education is one in which government could work in partnership with other stakeholders, such as political parties, non-governmental organisations, religious organisations, and others, provided that a standardised form of content and mehtods for such education can be agreed upon, and observed by all. For civic education must not degenerate into politicking in disguise.

There is also a huge difference between civic education, or even the development of informed political opinion, and the stoking of the fires of political sentimentalism and sensationalism. The former helps to consolidate democracy, but the latter undermines democracy. Regrettably, I would attribute the demonstrations and public rallies taking place in our country now as falling in the second category. Political parties are not creating informed political opinion; they are creating political sentimentalism, whipping up waves of resentment knowing very well they may find expression in anti-democratic and unruly actions and behaviour.

I, therefore, challenge the non-governmental stakeholders to think about appropriate ways to develop citizens' influence and oversight on governance through responsible civic education. There are important values that you can impact, such as political equality, inter-group tolerance, inclusiveness in associational membership, and the importance of political participation. But above all, the pursuit of politics must never be allowed to threaten national unity and concord or peace, stability and public security.

Mr. Chairman,

While I am still on this subject of civic education, I would like to congratulate REDET for its recent publication of a civic education manual for primary schools entitled "KATIBA NA HAKI ZA RAIA TANZANIA" which was launched by my minister of Education and Culture, Hon. Joseph Mungai, MP. This is another achievement that lends credibility to the University's contribution to consolidation of democracy through education. I thank and commend you.

Economic Growth and Development

Mr. Chairman,

I know there is only so much you can discuss in these two days you will be here. But one thing I want you to keep in mind is the capacity to manage and sustain the democratic political dispensation we have adopted. And today I am not talking about technical capacity, I am talking about the capcaity of the economy to underwrite all the things we want to see done in order to consolidate democracy and democratic governance. And that is why you will always hear me talking about the economy, in terms of the imperative of reform and of engendering economic growth and broad-based development.

We have so far held two General Elections under a mutli-party democratic political system. And both times we could not afford wholy to finance the elections ourselves. We reduced this dependency on donors last year, but the need for external support remains. It is, therefore, important for all political players to give sufficient attention to that part of our polity that gives us the wherewithal to sustain a democratic political system. The cost of one by-election, in one constituency, is way above what a whole district is allocated from the national budget for development expenditure for a whole year. You can imagine what the situation would be like if we were to be forced, by law, to hold 15 by-elections within a month.

But the importance and relevance of economic growth to the consolidation of democracy is not only in terms of financing our elections. It is also in terms of fully funding and building capcaity in the institutions of governance through the three branches of Government: The Executive, in terms of a public service that is ethical, people centred, and service oriented; The Parliament and House of Representatives in terms of technical and financial capacity to represent people; and the Judiciary in terms of prompt adjudication of disputes and the interpretation, application and enforcement of laws. If I can't guarantee the supply of paper needed by judges and magistrates to record cases, how can the people's confidence in the Judiciary be strengthened?

Free Trade Unions

Mr. Chairman,

The economic reforms we have embarked upon are increasingly shifting economic activities, and hence job-creation, from the public to the provate sector, including multinational corporations. In terms of democratic governance, therefore, the role of effective and efficient fre trade unions is critical and unmistakeable.

But our trade unions lack the requisite capacity and experience to negotiate good working conditions and remunerations with the provate sector. For the duration of most of our independent statehood, trade unions were, at least in terms of structure, not antagonistic to the Government, which was the largest employer. Trade Unions were even, for several years, an organ of the ruling party.

It is only two weeks ago that the long journey towards the establishment of free trade unions in Tanzania ended. The new trade unions need the help of everyone, in terms of education, advice and developing the technical competence for analysis and negotiations, as they find their feet in the huge challenges they now have to face. An enlightened organised work forve is a factor of good governance.

Mass Media

Mr. Chairman,

The print and electronic media are also an important component in the consolidation of democracy and democratic governance. A free and objective mass media can act as another institution offering checks and balances against the Government and otehr players in a democratic political system.

But more needs to be done to improve the quality of journalism in our country. The tendency is too much on the business aspect, on the desire to make profits, including through sensational reporting, rahter than truly informing and educating the public. The mass media has a great responsibility which if executed well can help consolidate democracy, and spread the inspirational momentum for development. As it is, ther is too much reportage of what politicians say, rather than the analysis of policies, decisions and trends.

What a distinguished person, including the President, says may be news, especially if it is inconsequential. But a series of inconsequential pronouncements, even by the President are not only NOT NEWS, but also downright boring! It is said that great minds do not discuss people; they discuss events and ideas. We need greater minds in the forest of newspapers, radio and television stations, sprouting and flourishing on a fertile and hungry audience that Tanzania has become, and the freedom of expression our Constitution guarantees.

Mr Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,

In conclusion, I wish to reiterate my keen interest in the proceedings of this conference as one of the inputs, which may contribute to our thoughts and actions in the government's efforts to play its part in consolidating democracy and democratic governance. The rich plurality of the backgrounds of participants in this conference should guarantee fruitful deliberations.

Pericles, the Athenia statesman and orator of ancient Greece, four centuries before the birth of Christ, said:

"Our government is called a democracy because power is in the hands not of the few, but of the many."

Today, 2400 years later, his definition still holds. And to you who have met here to review the state of politics in Tanzania, with a view to consolidating democracy and democratic governance, I have one basic request. Help us to determine the best way to make sure power is, and remains, firmly in the hands not of the aspiring few, but of the many that every five years treat to polling stations, standing patiently in long queues, to express their opinion, and pass judgement on aspiring politicians, through the ballot box.

We need a pervasive re-commitment to a rule-based democratic political dispensation, a strong and growing economy that can sustain it, and working democratic institutions with the capacity to arbitrate between competing demands and interests, and install the necessary checks and balances into our system. I will follow the deliberations of this Conference with keen interest, for ultimately, as President Harry Truman would say, the buck stops with me.

I know declare this 9th Conference on the State of Politics in Tanzania officially open.

I thank you for your patience and attention.