Speech
by the President Benjamin William Mkapa of the United Republic
of Tanzania at an Official Dinner Hosted in his Honour by
the President of the Republic of Namibia, H.E. Dr. Sam Nujoma,
Windohoek, Namibia 21st August, 1996
Your Excellency
Dr. Sam Nujoma,
President of the Republic of Namibia;
Your Excellency Madame Nujoma;
The Rt. Hon. Hage G. Geingob,
Prime Minister of the Republic of Namibia;
Honourable Ministers;
Your Excellencies,
Heads of Diplomatic Missions;
Distinguished Guests;
Ladies and Gentlemen.
On behalf of
my wife and my entire delegation, let me first of all say
how happy we all are to be in this beautiful country, among
our brothers and sisters. I thank you, Mr. President, for
your kind invitation which has made this visit possible. We
bring you, and the People of Namibia, a message of continued
friendship and goodwill from your Tanzanian brothers and sisters.
Allow me also
to convey to you, Mr. President, Your Government and the People
of Namibia, our great appreciation for the truly warm and
fraternal reception we received on arrival earlier today.
The hospitality we have continued to enjoy since then is truly
reflective of Namibian generosity, and the traditional bonds
of friendship, fraternity and cooperation that have for many
years happily characterised relations between our two countries
and Peoples.
We have all been deeply touched by the most kind and generous
words you have spoken this evening about me and my country
in your most inspiring speech. In reciprocating those warm
sentiments, I should also like to pay tribute to the good
work that you, Mr. President, in cooperation with my predecessor,
President Ali Hassan Mwinyi, did in building a firm foundation
of friendship and cooperation between our two countries and
Peoples. I am here to assure you that my Government will leave
no stone unturned in pursuit of stronger, broader and deeper
ties between us.
In this context,
the opportunity we had this afternoon to talk privately, and
the subsequent discussions that took place between our two
delegations, have given me great satisfaction. We covered
an impressive range of issues of mutual interest to our two
countries, and to our region. The convergence of views that
quickly emerged between our two sides on how to enhance and
expand areas of bilateral cooperation, within the larger framework
of the Southern African Development Community, is a manifestation
of the commitment we both share for the attainment of this
goal.
Your Excellency,
Our two countries already have a good framework for bilateral
cooperation. This is the Joint Commission established on 25th
April, 1991, to coordinate cooperation in the trade, economic,
technical and cultural spheres. We are all aware of the inherent
obstacles that have militated against the role initially envisaged
for the Joint Commission. My duty, as the new President of
Tanzania, is to learn from you and work with you to find ways
to reduce the adverse effects of those obstacles in our cooperation.
Your Excellency,
Similarities in our economic problems may constitute a brake
to our efforts at economic cooperation, but similarities in
the history of our two countries are a firm basis for shared
views, perceptions, and political cooperation. Our two countries
know the humiliation of colonial occupation and administration,
and the exploitation of our human and natural resources for
the enrichment and welfare of external powers. We were both
colonised by the Germans, at about the same time, and the
first revolts against German colonialism also occurred almost
at the same time in both countries.
The first mass
uprisings and fierce wars of resistance by the People of Namibia
against German occupation occurred between 1904 and 1907.
Those in Tanzania, known as the Maji Maji uprisings, took
place between 1905 and 1907. Little did anyone know then that
over sixty years later the people of the two countries would
be joined in the liberation struggle for the independence
of Namibia.
In this, my first
visit to independent Namibia as President of my country, I
wish to pay great tribute to the sons and daughters of this
land who lost their lives in the liberation of their country.
In the service of my country - first as a journalist and later
as a diplomat - as an Ambassador and as a Minister for Foreign
Affairs, I consider myself privileged to have played a role
in the liberation struggle in Southern Africa. Today I come
to independent Namibia not as a stranger but as a friend and
colleague to many Namibians I knew from the difficult years
of the liberation struggle. I truly feel at home, and I will
always cherish and treasure those relationships.
Unlike us in
Tanzania, your freedom was paid for not just by the sweat
but also by the blood of your people. Your determination,
against all odds, to be free and sovereign in the land God
gave you, won the hearts and support of many in Tanzania,
in the region and beyond Africa's shores. Namibians have a
long and commendable tradition of resistance against colonial
occupation and oppression, a tradition that manifested itself
not only in the uprisings of 1904 - 1907, but equally in the
formation of SWAPO and PLAN in the 1960s under the most able
stewardship of Your Excellency, President Sam Nujoma. Your
own name, as well as that of SWAPO and PLAN, remained household
names in Tanzania throughout the difficult years of struggle.
We could never tire of supporting you because you never wavered
in the struggle, however difficult the going became. It was
only through constant military pressure, backed by the sympathy
and support of the international community, that victory was
finally attained. It also gives me special satisfaction that
tomorrow I will be able to set my foot on Walvis Bay as an
integral part of the independent Republic of Namibia.
Your Excellency,
In the few years of your independence you have done very well
indeed in rectifying the effects of many decades of political
and economic injustice. From the ashes of colonialism you
have created a thriving multi-party democratic system that
stands out as a shining example of the new political dispensations
we desire and foresee for our continent. I commend you, and
encourage you. You are an inspiration to those of us still
in the infancy of a multi-party competitive political system.
Likewise you
have embarked on a process to ensure the abundant natural
resources of this country are exploited for the benefit not
only of a few people but equally for the benefit of the people
who have no other home except Namibia. The economic empowerment
of the indigenous people is a matter of economic and social
justice which remains a necessary addition to the political
independence you worked so hand to achieve. I commend you
and urge you along this path.
Your Excellency,
The countries of Africa are all independent now, each in its
own way. What remains now is for independent Africa to prove
to the world that we can come to terms with our problems.
Of primary importance is peace, security, social and economic
development, including food security. It is, however, sad
that in a continent that can hardly feed itself, civil wars
as well as social and political unrest prevent even subsistence
agriculture from taking place. With 35% of all the refugees
in the world, let alone the multitudes of internally displaced
persons, Sub-Saharan Africa cannot afford to close its eyes
to the conflicts that continue to plague our countries and
neighbourhoods.
In the face of
these challenges I am glad to join my colleagues in the SADC
region as the new President of Tanzania. For the SADC region
stands out in sharp contrast to the turmoil in most other
regions of our mother continent. After the dark days of the
liberation struggle, the dawn of a new era of unprecedented
peace, democratisation, and regional cooperation unparalleled
elsewhere in Africa has come to Southern Africa. It is to
such ideals that I commit myself and my Government.
Much of the continent,
however, remains far from attaining these ideals. In Somalia,
Liberia, Sudan, Burundi or Sierra Leone, the image of a conflict-ridden
continent emerges. The decision of the OAU in Cairo three
years ago to address issues of conflict prevention, management,
and resolution was, therefore, a landmark decision in our
long journey to reassert the dignity of our continent. That
most of these conflicts remain is not for lack of trying but
often for the recalcitrance of the parties to conflicts. A
good example is the case of Burundi.
In 1992 - 1993,
Pierre Buyoya then heading a military government in Burundi
presided over the promulgation of a new democratic constitution
adopted by national referendum. It was accepted internationally
as a good constitution on the basis of which an election was
held on 1st June 1993. The election was monitored by international
observers who declared it free and fair. The late President,
Melchior Ndadaye, of the FRODEBU Party, won by 60% of the
vote, against 39% for Pierre Buyoya of the UPRONA Party. But
Ndadaye, in his selfless quest for national unity and reconciliation,
formed a Government of National Unity that included the UPRONA
Party.
Yet, for his
efforts, he was killed by the army of which Buyoya is part.
The recent report of the UN team that investigated the killings
has confirmed what was largely known that Ndadaye, the people's
choice for leadership, was assassinated by the army in an
unsuccessful coup d'etat in October, 1993. Burundi was subsequently
made ungovernable by putting aside the constitution and pretending
to run the Government on an unworkable so-called Convention
of Government that included even those small parties that
did not win a single seat in Parliament.
It was obvious
the UPRONA Party, and other radical parties, with the support
of the Tutsi-dominated army, had embarked on a process to
emasculate the FRODEBU-led government. What the people had
chosen through the ballot box was taken away by the bullet.
In the context
of the OAU Cairo decision, the leaders of the Great Lakes
Region have since then embarked on several initiatives to
help the people of Burundi come to terms with their history
and resolve their political and security problems which were
causing severe hardships to their own people and to the neighbouring
countries.
I took over from
my predecessor, with renewed determination, to contribute
to the search for a permanent solution to the problems in
Burundi. At the first meeting of regional leaders I convened
in Arusha on 25th June 1996 both the President of Burundi,
Sylvestre Ntibantunganya and his Prime Minister, Antoine Nduwayo,
agreed with us that none of the armed groups in Burundi, including
the army, had the trust of all the parties in Burundi. All
were partisan and had no possibility to bring about the peace,
security and mutual trust necessary to relaunch Mwalimu Nyerere's
peace efforts within the Mwanza negotiating forum.
Mwalimu's initiative
is internationally accepted as the best hope for a new political
dispensation in Burundi that will ensure democracy, as well
as guarantee the security and well-being of all groups, but
especially the minority. It was for this reason that both
President Ntibantunganya and Prime Minister Nduwayo requested,
on their own free will, for security assistance from outside.
However, on going back to Bujumbura, the Prime Minister began
to sing a different tune from that in Arusha thereby fueling
resentment in Bujumbura towards the requested regional security
assistance.
The military
coup d'etat of 25th July 1996 in Burundi has, therefore, three
distinct aspects. Firstly, it concluded a process began by
the army and UPRONA party in October, 1993, to emasculate
a democratically elected Government, and eventually return
to power the very man who lost in a free and fair election.
Secondly, it constituted a defiance, indeed a slap in the
face, to regional and international efforts for the peaceful
resolution of the Burundi crisis. Thirdly, it was timed specifically
to prevent the implementation of the decisions of Arusha I,
and the OAU Summit Meeting in Yaounde, in relation to the
provision of security assistance to Burundi.
It was for all
these reasons that during the Second Arusha Regional Summit
Meeting I convened on 31st July 1996, all the leaders present
agreed that the illegal and unconstitutional change of Government
in Bujumbura must not be allowed to stand. We condemned and
rejected it. We also agreed to impose sanctions on the Bujumbura
regime as a necessary pressure to get it to return the country
to legitimate and democratic rule, and to revive serious political
negotiations with all parties and stake-holders under Mwalimu
Nyerere's auspices. Arusha II was not only a declaration of
principle - that the era of coups d'etat was over - but also
a regional initiative to create conditions that will precipitate
the relaunching of the peace process.
For once we took
a bold step in support of democracy in our region. The least
we could expect from outside the sub-region is international
support in carrying it to fruition. We have called on all
peace-loving and democratically inclined governments to support
this decision so as to shorten the suffering of the innocent
people of Burundi.
Your Excellency,
These recent events in Burundi should also help to focus the
attention of all Africans to a political future that is free
from all forms of bigotry and injustice. For regimes based
on these attributes cannot be sustained in the long term,
and like houses of cards tend to collapse in a manner likely
to cause the death, maiming and suffering of innocent people.
The time has also come from the African soldier to come to
terms with what is expected of him as we enter the next century.
It would be a great credit to the military in Africa, and
to the continent as a whole, if we were to leave military
involvement in politics behind us with the 20th century.
Your Excellency,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I hope you can forgive me for dwelling at such length on the
subject of Burundi, but I am confident in the hope that the
People of Namibia would want to be on the side of democracy,
an ideal that has grown deep roots in their own country in
such a short time. I am sure you will want to support our
efforts in the entrenchment of democracy in the Great Lakes
Region as well.
Your Excellency.
I now ask all present here to stand up, raise their glasses,
and join me in a toast:
- To the continued
good health and happiness of
His Excellency The President and Mrs Nujoma.
- To continued peace and prosperity in Namibia.
- To continued
friendship and cooperation between
Tanzania and Namibia.
Thank you all.
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APARC