Speech by the President of the United Republic of Tanzania, His Excellency Benjamin William Mkapa at the OAU Summit Meeting, Yaounde, Cameroon, 8th July, 1996

Your Excellency Paul Biya,
President of the Republic of Cameroon,
Your Excellency Meles Zenawi,
Prime Minister of Ethiopia and Chairman of the OAU,
Your Excellencies
My fellow Heads of State and Government,
Your Excellencies
Leaders of Delegations,
Your Excellency Dr. Salim A. Salim,
The OAU Secretary-General,
Distinguished Delegates,
Ladies and Gentlemen.

As a new President, I consider it a great privilege and singular honour to be called upon to move a vote of thanks to our gracious host, and prospective new OAU Chairman, and to speak after him. I believe I speak on behalf of all my colleagues when I commend President Paul Biya for his excellent and inspiring opening address. I also thank him personally, the Government and brotherly People of Cameroon for the warmth with which we have all been received in Yaounde, as well as the hospitality we have continued to enjoy ever since our feet touched the beautiful soil of Cameroon. All arrangements, as well as the excellent facilities that have been put at our disposal, have met our expectations and will contribute to the successful conduct of our business here.

Your Excellencies,
I should also like to congratulate in advance our brother President Paul Biya for his forthcoming and well-deserved accession to the Chairmanship of our organisation. It is my conviction that his valuable experience, leadership skills and wisdom will enable him to lead our organisation most ably during the coming year. I wish to assure him of Tanzania's whole-hearted support and cooperation as he executes his responsibilities to mother Africa; and her people.

Likewise, I wish to extend, on behalf of my colleagues, our heartfelt gratitude to the current and outgoing Chairman, His Excellency Meles Zenawi, Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, for his able stewardship of the OAU during the past year. It has, by no means, been an easy year for Africa, and it is thanks to his leadership and dedication to duty that progress was attained and African Unity strengthened in several areas.

I wish also to acknowledge the untiring efforts and leadership skills of our Secretary-General, Dr. Salim A. Salim who, together with his Secretariat, has continued to serve our organisation very well, guiding it and focusing its work on the burning issues facing the African continent, promotion of cooperation in conflict prevention, management and resolution, and socio-economic development.

Mr. Chairman,
I was Foreign Minister of my country for many years, and in that capacity took part in many OAU Summit Meetings and other OAU fora. But today is my first time to be here as Head of State of my country following the General Elections which were held in Tanzania in November, 1995. Against this electoral backdrop, I symbolise the successful march towards a multi-party democratic system in my country, and by extension in the rest of the African continent. This is a good development for Africa and its image among the other nations of the world. I think it was in recognition of the need for this transition that the OAU took a keen interest in the electoral process in Tanzania, and sent an Observer Mission to monitor the elections. I am here to express our gratitude for the encouragement given to us by the OAU, and for its role in the conduct of the elections. I am here also to urge for the continued peaceful transition to more democratic political dispensations in Africa, through free and fair elections.

But important as they are, free and fair elections are not in themselves enough to spruce up the image of Africa on the international plane. More needs to be done to elicit and engender greater respect and dignity for our continent. In the first instance we should not let Africa enter the next century with the label of a conflict-ridden continent - a continent synonymous with civil war, anarchy and racial or ethnic intolerance. It is bad enough to be looked down upon on account of our poverty, but it is worse to be derided because we refuse to live in peace with each other, and spend money for medicine and school books on weapons to kill each other. We may be poor, yes, but we must not allow our poverty to extend to the measure of humanity, dignity and wisdom.

It is for this reason that three years ago in Cairo, the OAU Heads of State and Government decided that the time had come for Africans to take charge of preventing, managing and resolving conflicts in Africa. Since then many African Governments and leaders have worked hard to translate this desire into action, especially in relation to the conflicts in Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan, Somalia and Liberia, to mention only a few. The lack of progress in most of these and other conflicts was not for lack of trying on the part of the OAU, but rather the unreadiness and rigidity of the parties to the conflicts.

Burundi is a current and outstanding example. In July 1993 an election was held in Burundi under international supervision, which was declared free and fair. The election was on the basis of a good constitution that was a product of a national referendum. The transition of power from President Buyoya to the late President Ndadaye was equally impressive. President Ndadaye was the personification of hope for the institutional evolution of multi-party democracy and unity in Burundi as well as the dawn of a new era of peace, stability and cooperation in the Great Lakes Region. Despite his majority win, he went out of his way to take into full account the interests of all parties and groups. Yet, he was killed for his efforts, and political and ethnic tensions were renewed.

Today the level of violence, murder, and militarisation of all the groups and parties has reached very dangerous proportions, and the international community is justified to fear for a replay of the 1994 Rwandan tragedy in Burundi. The question we have to ask ourselves is whether we can afford another tragedy like that in our region. Clearly we cannot, and we must, therefore act, and act quickly.

With our support, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere has been trying to facilitate a political dialogue that could lead to a new political dispensation that will ensure effective democratic leadership while guaranteeing the security and interests of all groups, parties and individuals. Yet, his efforts are frustrated by the violence and assassinations that reinforce fear, insecurity and mutual suspicion. Obviously now neither the army, nor the other armed groups, can guarantee security to everyone; but an external and impartial form of security assistance can do so. And, progress on the negotiating table depends on success in the cessation of violence. Herein lies the essence of the request made by the Burundi Government at our regional meeting in Arusha on 25th June 1996. That agreement needs the support of this Organisation and all peace-loving people, and I ask The Summit to give it its blessing.

Mr. Chairman,
Conflicts such as these, and the resultant refugee crises, are not internal matters. They affect and can destabilise entire regions. Tanzania, for one has been seriously effected by the influx of refugees which continues to-date. Today Africa is known as a continent of conflict, strife and refugees. It is not flattering to be known as such, and it is incumbent upon us to rid our continent of this unfortunate image. We must end the costly business of generating and receiving refugees. For how long shall Tanzania and other neighbouring countries, continue to receive and provide sanctuary to hundreds of thousands of refugees - some crossing the border with fresh, harrowing and gashing wounds? For how long shall we watch as weeping parents request for permission to cross our borders with their dead children, sons and daughters, seeking a safe place to bury them? How many more dead bodies with ghastly wounds need to be shown on the world's television screens before we all agree to collectively act to stop Africa's shame?

I wish to call upon the leaders of the parties and groups in Burundi to accept regional help and to choose the path of peace and reconciliation, for in the end, the path of violence will end in self-destruction and adverse effects in the entire region. As their neighbours we wish them well, and we shall spare no effort to help them pursue peaceful and harmonious nation-building. In this respect, I wish also to pay tribute to the efforts of Presidents Mobutu of Zaire, Moi of Kenya, Museveni of Uganda, the past OAU Chairman, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia as well as former Presidents, Carter of the United States, Mwalimu Nyerere of Tanzania, and Toure of Mali for their efforts in trying to achieve sustainable peace in Burundi, and the repatriation of Rwandan refugees.

Mr. Chairman,
I am also here to rededicate my own commitment, as well as that of my Government to the OAU charter, its goals and its ideals. Our organisation has come of age; it has survived momentous challenges and immense tasks. We have not only survived, and concluded the tremendous task of the liberation struggle, but we have also developed together a political and economic vision for the future of Africa. We remain, and must continue to remain, relevant in the community of nations.

But, in addition to peace and stability, our continued relevance will depend on our success on the social and economic front. Our independence and dignity will be enhanced in as far as we reduce our dependence on donors. However, in the struggle to improve the well-being of our people we are faced with two kinds of obstacles: those of our own making, and those imposed on us. We must effectively address both obstacles.

The 1990s have been termed the decade of good governance in Africa. Most of the aspects of good governance, an essential component of social and economic development, are within our power to attain. Democratic traditions, the rule of law, and human rights must be pursued relentlessly. Indiscipline in work places; poor management of our economies, natural resources, and the environment; corruption; as well as the erosion of human values and morals must be fought tooth and nail, not only to enhance the respect and dignity of our continent, but also to create a more conducive environment for investment and development.

As far as the externally induced obstacles are concerned Africa needs to stand up and collectively defend her interests much more forcefully. We cannot afford not to because no one else is going to fight for our interests except ourselves.

One area where we have to stand together to promote and defend our interests is in the emerging liberalised world trade regime under the World Trade Organisation. We have all heard the loud voice, and read the large print, extolling the virtues of a liberalised and integrated world economy. What we do not hear or read is what will be done to ensure that Africa does not end up a net loser in the emerging world trade regime. For, indeed, one study has concluded that Africa will be losing about $ 2.6 bi. a year by the beginning of the next century unless something is done quickly to arrest the situation.

The African cause has to be championed by the Africans themselves. No one will do it for us. We must stand together, for in view of the small size of our individual economies, our strength can only lie in our unity. Africa is not afraid of competition. Indeed, we appreciate the advantages of competitive trading relations. But we also know that market forces of themselves do not create social and economic justice. They only create theoretical level playing fields that give undue advantage to the strong and established, at the expense of the weak and young. Equal rights and equal obligations are fine concepts, only one has to have the capacity to enjoy and exercise those rights and obligations. We need time and help to develop that capacity, and to reduce our vulnerability.

One aspect of that vulnerability is our over-dependency on commodities. Terms of trade in respect of commodities are generally unfavourable and prices unstable. This is not only a disincentive to production, but it also makes planning for development very difficult indeed. We need to deal with this problem through externally supported diversification, including adding value to commodities, either through existing or new instruments.

Another way is to reduce the risks and instability of commodity markets and prices. But past efforts at price-stabilization for products such as cocoa, coffee, tea, oil and so on did not succeed. But this does not mean we should give up. We must come up with new initiatives.

It is equally necessary to enhance our access to foreign markets for our processed products. But the trend seems to point in the opposite direction. The Lome Convention under which goods from ACP countries enjoyed preferential entry into European Union markets is being phased out. The Punta del Este promise, within the framework of the Uruguay round of GATT negotiations, to provide more market access for developing countries excluded vital products for poor countries such as textiles and clothing, fish and fisheries products, and leather and leather products, including footwear. Yet it is precisely on such products that our hope for comparative advantage stands.

Likewise, African economies have not benefited from the recent upsurge in capital flows to developing countries. Official Development Assistance (ODA) and net flows of medium and long-term export credits to Africa have declined sharply to a negative figure in 1993.

With regard to Foreign Direct Investment which has witnessed a fundamental growth globally in the past 4 years, no significant increase in FDI have accrued to Africa. In 1995, only 3% of FDI to developing countries went to Africa, despite many African countries taking measures to liberalize investment laws, and install other forms of institutional comparative advantage. Africa has become a net exporter of capital with net capital outflows amounting to $ 13.6 bi. in 1994.

Mr. Chairman,
Africa's external debt continues to be the single most serious obstacle to her development efforts. The stock of Africa's external debt of over US$ 317 billion in 1994 and its servicing has continued to drain our meagre foreign exchange earnings while eroding Africa's credit worthiness. The burden is simply unbearable and it is obvious Africa cannot pay her debt and pursue meaningful development at the same time. We said as much in our Common Position on Africa's External Debt Crisis issued in 1987. But no substantial and decisive movement towards debt cancellation or forgiveness if afoot.

It is obvious, therefore, that unless there is quick and substantial movement in the efforts to relieve us of this unpayable debt burden, we can never invest adequately in enhancing our capacity for development and our competitiveness in a liberalized world trade regime will remain a distant and blinding mirage.

Mr. Chairman,
Unless we stand up and demand to be heard, the world will move ahead and leave us behind. This happened during the Uruguay round of GATT negotiations where Africa and other LDCs were more of spectators rather than active participants. The process of GATT negotiations clearly reflected little regard to our interests. The major and crucial decisions were negotiated and taken in parallel negotiating fora attended by the major industrialised countries, or at Geneva, Washington, Brussels or other world capitals. During the first Ministerial Meeting of the World Trade Organisation in December this year in Singapore we must collectively put our demands across if we are to develop the capacity to benefit from the new trade regime. We must prepare well for the meeting.

Mr. Chairman,
We must also not be blind to the trend for industrialized and newly industrialized countries to coalesce into larger and larger free trade blocs, within which some measure of protectionism may emerge. The world's economic map is fast being redrawn into a maze of free trade areas, none of which includes Africa.

It is for this reason that I wish to end my remarks by calling for greater emphasis on regional cooperation and integration. Foreign investors need large markets, and there are a lot of savings and other advantages in regional rather than national infrastructural projects. Regional cooperation will be our springboard for growth and our cherished goal of an African Economic Community. Tanzania will, therefore, participate earnestly and productively, in letter and spirit, in regional cooperation and integration institutions of which we are members.

Mr. Chairman,
Africa needs to improve its image, its dignity, and its respect in the world. These attributes never come of their own. They have to be earned, and they can only be earned, through hard work for peace and stability, for the social and economic development of our mother continent Africa. Let us work for greater and sustainable Democracy. Let us advocate and work for greater and sustainable international economic equity. Let us work for greater stability, development and enduring peace on our beloved continent.

Thank you President Biya and the people of Cameroon for offering us this wonderful opportunity to reflect and recommit ourselves to these glorious goals; and thank you all for your kind attention.